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İSMAYIL QASPIRALI YARADICILIĞINDA TÜRK MİLLƏTİNİN DİRÇƏLİŞİ MƏSƏLƏLƏRİ SƏNƏTİNİN ESTETİK İDEALI KİMİ

Author(s): Elman Quliyev / Language(s): Azerbaijani Issue: 1/2009

XIX əsrin sonu, XX əsrin əvvəllərində krım-tatar ədəbiyyatının görkəmli nümayəndəsi, Rusiya müsəlmanlarının lideri, türk millətinin müəllimi, xalq maarifi islahatçısı, “üsuli-cədid” hərəkatının və tatar mətbuatının banisi kimi şöhrət tapmış, “bütün türkçülük hərəkatının mərkəzi siması” (Yusif Akçura) hesab edilən İsmayıl Qaspiralı böyük və zəngin yaradıcılıq irsinə sahibdir. İsmayıl Qaspiralı yaradıcılığının şah əsəri olan “Tərcüman” mənsub olduğu türk xalqının ictimai-siyası və mədəni həyatında dirçəliş rolunu oynamaqla yanaşı, görkəmli şəxsiyyətin irəli sürdüyü “dildə, fikirdə, işdə birlik” ideyalarının reallaşmasında güclü təsir vasitəsinə çevrilmişdir. Böyük ideyalar carçısı İ.Qaspiralı mütərəqqi fikirlərin həyata keçməsində heç şübhəsiz, bədii ədəbiyyat və publisistikasını daha əhəmiyyətli hesab edirdi. İ.Qaspiraliya görə hər bir milləti millət kimi tanıtmaqda din və ədəbiyyatın rolu əvəzolunmazdır. Bu mənada İ. Qaspiralının ədəbiyyatsız xalqları “vəhşi tayfa” adlandırılması təsadüfi görünmür. “O, belə hesab edirdi ki, bədii əsər hər şeydən əvvəl geniş xalq kütləsinin arzu və istəklərinin ifadəçisi və düşüncələrinin tərcümanı olmalıdır” (Xeyrulla Məmmədov).

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Notes on Communism

Author(s): István Eörsi / Language(s): English Issue: 01/1995

What can the mind give up for the sake of its ideals? Worldly success? Absolutely. Its own inner peace? Happiness? Possibly. Life itself? Perhaps, although—pace Giordano Bruno—we ought not be too harsh on Galileo, either. But can it give up its moral integrity? Gombrowicz reads Le Communisme, a book by the Marxist philosopher Dionys Mascolo, published in 1953, and in fifteen printed pages he tries to sort out his contradictory thoughts and feelings about it. This in itself seems incredible today. Communism is dead, the corpse is decomposing before our very eyes, and refined spirits would waste no more than a few withering epithets on it, the intellect’s bitter saliva, to be spat out in the direction of the stench, before moving on.

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Od centrum do marginesów szkoły z Birmingham. Czarny feminizm bell hooks w kontekście studiów kulturowych (recenzja)

Author(s): Ewa Drygalska / Language(s): Polish Issue: 01/2014

Review of: bell hooks, Teoria feministyczna: od marginesu do centrum, przeł. Ewa Majewska, Wydawnictwo Krytyki Politycznej, Warszawa 2013

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SOME QUESTIONS ON HUNGARIAN-SOVIET RELATIONS 1949-1955

Author(s): László Borhi / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2000

By late 1949 the bipolar structure of the world had already taken shape. Both the United States and the Soviet Union had decided that not only was there no longer any ground for their cooperation, but to continue cooperating would menace their respective positions in the world, if not their very existence. Hence the most pressing issues that faced the victorious powers remained unresolved. No collective peace treaty was signed with Japan, and Germany ended up as two separate states. The division of Germany had not been premeditated, but it was probably inevitable. Nevertheless, Stalin, at least, may have kept hoping for its unification until his note of 1952 was turned down by the Western powers. World politics seemed now to function as a zero-sum game: a loss for one superpower constituted a gain for the other, and vice-versa. A case in point was China, where Mao Tse-tung’s victory meant the “loss” of that country for the United States. This loss was exploited by Stalin through the signing with China of a pact of friendship that guaranteed military, political and economic gains for the Soviet Union. In exchange Moscow recognized Chinese sovereignty and the Chinese communist party’s preeminence in leading revolutionary movements in the Asian region.

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POLAND'S TRANSITION AS POLITICAL REPOLARIZATION

Author(s): Jack Bielasiak / Language(s): English Issue: 2/2000

Poland's development since the collapse of communism reveals a contradiction. On the one hand, Poland is often represented as the paradigmatic success story of the post-communist economic and political transformation. On the economic front, the country has demonstrated the fastest growth rate and recovery in the region, despite the fact that it was perceived as an economic basket case on the eve of the transition. On the political front, Poland is solidly in the forefront of the consolidated democracies, with firm institutional and constitutional foundations and strong popular support for the values of democracy. There is no doubt that Poland has joined the family of democratic states.

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„La Țigănci”, nuvela-parabolă a profetismului eliadesc

Author(s): Liliana Danciu / Language(s): Romanian Issue: 1/2018

The unprecedented experience of Gavrilescu, the main character in the La Țigănci short story, continues to arise various interpretations, proving the viability of this eliadesc writing. For some literary critics, he is the anti-hero by definition, which lives what Eliade understands by "level break", but without understanding anything of it. The ordinary man, with a banal existence, routinely in the profane becomes the Chosen One uselessly claimed by sacred, for ignorance prevents him from seeing beyond the Illusion. In the hut of the gypsies, he crosses a rite of passage, from life to death, proof being the shrouded curtain that will wrap his naked body, the terrible thirst for unpopularity, and the surprising encounter with the always young Hildegard, the beloved of his youth.In this article, I try to reveal another dimension of this eliadesc short story, linked to the name of the main character, which, in my opinion, refers to the name of the archangel Gabriel, the "pair" of the other, Michael. As it is known, the name of the archangel Michael is directly related to the Romanian legionary movement in the inter-warperiod, a nationalistic, violent and criminal political-ideological movement that has successfully manipulated local religious and cultural elements to gain followers and become strong. Up to a point, the Romanian legionary movement stood under the sign of both archangels, synthesizing both the intellectual and the political dimensions.In time, the two directions have broken apart, and the legion has remained exclusively under the warlike sign of the warrior archangel. The Romanian intellectuals, who originally sympathized with the nationalist ideals of the legionary movement, distanced themselves from it and remained under the soteriological mark of Archangel Gabriel. This is, in my opinion, the message hidden by Eliade in this unusual short story. Also, using allegory and symbol, the Romanian author turns out to be a man of vision and prophesies the future of Romania, which has been culturally and historically marked, in time, by Germany. The present does not contradict Eliade, because Germany is the engine of the European Union, of which Romania wants to be part.

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Mapiranje Krajine: novi lijevi glasovi sjećanja na ratove, borbe za društvenu pravdu i feminističku praksu

Author(s): Danijela Majstorović / Language(s): Bosnian Issue: 1/2018

Kada je riječ o Krajini i mapiranju lijevih borbi u ovome dijelu svijeta i Bosne i Hercegovine, padaju na pamet Maslešina Mlada Bosna koja osamdeset godina kasnije zvuči jednako svježe (kao da je istorijski kontekst ostao nepromijenjen, što plaši) i Derridine Politike prijateljstva (1997) gdje je žena prepoznata kao remetilački faktor bratstva budući da je smještena van države kao bratske zajednice. Derridina demokratija nije neka buduća demokratija koju će odrediti istorijski uslovi već nadolazeća demokratija, “koja tek treba doći”, a možda nikad ne dođe. Lijeve borbe koje se trenutno odvijaju u Bosanskoj Krajini ne pripadaju nikakvoj jakoj političkoj organizaciji već su proizvodi napora grupa koje, kako nekad tako i danas, nastoje biti van okvira dominantne bosanskohercegovačke politike. [...]

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GEOKULTURA RAZVOJA, ILI TRANSFORMACIJA NAŠE GEOKULTURE?

Author(s): Immanuel Wallerstein / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 3/1995

"Razvoj" je izraz koji je ušao u široku upotrebu u oblasti društvenih nauka i javne politike počev od 1950-ih godina. "Kultura" je izraz koji je ponovo uveden u ovu oblast s puno buke i s novim naglaskom 1970-ih.

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“Yes…, and…”. On Violence and/as Hospitality

Author(s): Ana M. LUSZCZYNSKA / Language(s): English Issue: 2/2019

Beginnings are violent and deceitful. Pretending that they spontaneously emerge from nowhere, these words and thoughts cannot help but feign erasure of all that preceded them. There is thus something bold and presumptuous about claiming the ability to inaugurate and virtually burst onto the scene. In an attempt to mitigate the violence and deception of this particular beginning, I want to clearly contextualize what will follow.

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Organizovana nevinost i isključivanje (ili o nacionalnim državama i državljanstvu nakon ratova i masovnih zločina)

Author(s): Vlasta Jalušić / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 1-4/2020

Od kraja ratova na teritorijama bivše SFRJ u 90-im godinama je bilo napisano i rečeno dosta toga o tranzicijskoj pravdi i o problematici ne-suočavanja sa prošlošću u postjugoslovenskoj situaciji. Ali ne-suočavanje sa prošlošću, pogotovo sa zločinima, samo je jedan simptom ustrajavanja dubljeg problema koji je kreirao okolnosti u kojima su kolektivni zločini tek postali mogući – okolnosti koje i nakon rata mogu ustrajavati i dalje. Ovaj tekst je pokušaj promišljanja tog problema kroz tematiziranje onoga što uz pomoć Hannah Arendt zovem “nevolje posttotalitarnog doba” i “organizovana nevinost” i koje pokušavam da objasnim kroz primer procesa uspostavljanja postjugoslovenskih nacionalnih država.

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Izražavanje prava na grad: neonacionalizam radničke klase u postsocijalističkom Cluju, Rumunija

Author(s): Norbert Petrovici / Language(s): Bosnian Issue: 1-4/2020

Nakon sloma socijalizma, pojavili su se etnonacionalistički sukobi kao ozbiljan problem u preustrojavanju istočnoevropske politike i identiteta. Ipak, slučaj istočne Evrope nije bio potpuno jedinstven. Devedesete su stigle uz snažnu plimu obnovljenog etnonacionalizma u mnogim područjima, uključujući zapadnu Evropu. U izvjesnoj je literaturi istaknuta povezanost između novog nacionalističkog vala i trenutne faze neoliberalne globalizacije i pratećih migracija, jer su kontrapokreti često kodirani u jeziku etno- ili vjerskog nacionalizma i lokalizma (Comaroff i Comaroff 2001a, 2001b; Wimmer i Schiller 2002, 2003; Appadurai 2006; Schiller i Caglar 2009). Osim toga, u režimima neoliberalne akumulacije, klasa i marginalnost često su konstruirane u jeziku kulturnog identiteta (Schiller, Basch i Blanc 1995; Comaroff 1996; Comaroff i Comaroff 1999; Friedman 2003), dok nacionalistički poduzetnici često profitiraju upravo na reakciji protiv novih obrazaca neravnopravnosti koje proizvode globalni tokovi migracija, novca, investiranja i dezinvestiranja (Gingrich i Banks 2006).

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L’ATTITUDE YOUGOSLAVE ET ITALIENNE CONCERNANT LA QUESTION ALBANAISE DANS LA CONFERENCE DE PAIX (janvier-mars 1919)

Author(s): Muin Çami,Marenglen Verli / Language(s): French Issue: 01/2016

Comme on le sait, la Conférence de Paix de Paris, 1919-1920, était organisée par les cinq grandes puissances, la Grande-Bretagne, la France, les États-Unis, l'Italie et le Japon, pour résoudre, par leur prise de décision, les problèmes politiques et territoriaux créés par les développements au cours de la Première Guerre Mondiale Bien qu'elle n'ait pas été alliée d’aucune des parties belligérantes, l'Albanie se trouvait dans une situation très difficile menaçant son existence. Il était peu probable que les récentes injustices de la Conférence des Ambassadeurs de Londres (1912-1913) aient été définitivement corrigées, et un traité de 1915, à savoir le Traité secret de Londres du 26 avril 1915, signé par les puissances d'Entente avec l'Italie, pour la faire séduire dans leur coté, menaçait d’anéantir l’État fragile albanais, créé seulement quelques années auparavant.

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»Povelja 77«, (ne)politička platforma za »život u istini«

Author(s): Jaroslav Pecnik / Language(s): Croatian Issue: 25/2020

Shvatiti i razumjeti nastanak i djelovanje »Povelje 77« (»Charte 77«) kao i idejnu i kulturološku raznorodnost njenih potpisnika teško je, gotovo nemoguće bez poznavanja društvene sredine i političkih okolnosti, odnosno povijesnog konteksta u kojem se taj »pokret« rodio. Često se kaže kako su »Povelja 77« i poveljaši bili jedinstven fenomen, jer su formirali alternativnu inicijativu kakva se do tog vremena naprosto nije mogla zamisliti unutar sovjetskog komunističkog imperija, tj. u uvjetima partijski kontroliranog i ideološki indoktriniranog (zatvorenog) društva (neo)staljinske provenijencije, u kojem demokratski uzusi i civilizacijski dosezi u smislu poštivanja ljudskih prava i pravne države jednostavno nisu režimu ništa značili, niti su, izuzev u formalnom smislu postojali.

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Jecaj bijelog čovjeka - Treći Svijet, krivica, samomržnja

Author(s): Pascal Bruckner / Language(s): Croatian Issue: 25/2020

Zašto kolonijalno osvajanje smatraju tako važnim, u raznim njegovim epizodama? Zato što je to ponovljeno izdanje mita o padu. Prije Renesanse biloje blaženo vrijeme Hesperida na drugim kontinentima, vrijeme u kojem su životinje govorile, vrijeme u kojem je Priroda obilno zalijevala blagodatima zadovoljne i blistave domoroce što nisu znali ni za lučenje dobra od zla, ni za podjelu na tvoje i moje. Onda su s druge strane oceana došla bradata bića s kacigama, donijela plamen i ubojstva, i raj je ispario: slobodni i sretni ljudi potonuli su u ropstvo. A »tamo gdje su djeca, tamo je i zlatno doba« (Novalis). Zato će tiersmondisti, da bi sačuvali taj mit, o novim nacijama Juga stalno govoriti kao roditelji kad govore o svojim dragim mališanima: iskvareno poštenje i spontanost. Treći Svijet je kao i djetinjstvo, jedno vječno proljeće, krhko kraljevstvo na koje su se obrušili opaki odrasli, pohlepni bankari.

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MOĆ: DEONTIČKA, POZADINSKA, POLITIČKA I DRUGE

Author(s): John R. Searle / Language(s): Bosnian Issue: 13/2020

Kroz ovu knjigu koristio sam pojam moći bez objašnjenja i identificirao sam specifičan oblik moći koji je svojstven ljudskom socijalnom i institucionalnom realitetu. Nazvao sam ga “deontička moć”. Identificirao sam ovu moć nabrajajući nazive općih tipova, kao što su obligacije, autorizacije, odobrenja i zahtjevi. U šestom poglavlju pokazao sam kako takve deontičke činjeničnosti mogu funkcionirati u racionalnom ponašanju. U ovom poglavlju objasnit ću kako se deontička moć odnosi spram moći općenito, a posebno prema političkoj moći. Nije mi cilj ponuditi opću teoriju moći, ali ne možemo razumjeti deontičku moć a da ne kažemo nekoliko stvari o odnosima moći među ljudima općenito.

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30 GODINA NAKON 9. 11. 1989. - KOLIKO NJEMAČKI BI TREBALA IMATI EVROPA

Author(s): Anis Bajraktarević / Language(s): Bosnian Issue: 2/2019

2019. je dočekala 30. godišnjicu evropskog 9. 11. – pad Berlinskog zida. Za razliku od 11. 9. koji se desio 12 godina poslije, a koji mnogi sada povezuju sa završetkom angloameričkog dominantnog kapitalizma, za mnoge Evropljane 9. 11. označava kraj hladnog rata. Obaranje zida sa sobom je vrlo brzo donijelo kolaps komunizma – kako nam to zvanična priča veli. Stoga bi to trebao biti datum koji se svake godine proslavlja kao krajnje, zauvijek postojeće otvaranje puta ka univerzalnom trijumfu slobode, globalno rasprostranjenoj ružičastoj budućnosti – jednom riječju: konačnom samoispunjenju ljudske rase. Nasuprot ovome je drugo mišljenje koje slijedi drukčiju tvrdnju. Svi vodeći sociopolitički pokreti, od prosvjetiteljstva, pa sve do kraja 20. stoljeća, nudili su vizije za cijelu ljudsku rasu: univerzalno koncipirane (ili ideologizirane) za sve i svakoga.

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What 1989 can (and cannot) teach us

Author(s): Simona Merkinaitė / Language(s): English Issue: 01+02 (45)/2021

In 2020 a research project dedicated to understanding the meaning of 1989 conducted a series of talks with intellectuals and scholars in Germany, Hungary, Latvia, Lithuania, Poland and Romania. It collected witness testimony of these events as well as interviewing the post-1989 generation in order to understand their relationship to the history of the transformation. This essay is based on the outcomes of these discussions, focusing primarily on the role and meaning of citizen actions.

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Turkey, Russia and the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict

Author(s): Natalia Konarzewska / Language(s): English Issue: 01+02 (45)/2021

Despite the fact that western governments – those of the United States and France – are co-responsible for supervising the resolution process of the Nagorno- Karabakh conflict, their response to the recent outbreak of hostilities had been, at best, ineffective. This vacuum has been filled by Russia, which has long sought to play the role of a major mediator in the conflict, and Turkey, a new entrant to the region that recently became determined to get more involved in the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict. The simultaneous involvement of the two regional powers in the South Caucasus is reminiscent of the situation in Syria and Libya where Turkey and Russia have had conflicting interests but attempted to negotiate them. This time, however, Russia strives to dominate the peacekeeping process in Nagorno-Karabakh to reinforce its traditional sphere of influence in the post-Soviet space.

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Far from being over - Injustice, revenge and suffering in Nagorno-Karabakh

Author(s): Bartłomiej Krzysztan / Language(s): English Issue: 01+02 (45)/2021

Almost 30 years ago, on May 9th 1992, Armenian forces captured the Azerbaijan city of Shusha after a spectacular offensive. In a world without Twitter, the narrative about liberation and escaping the Azerbaijani army spread instantly. The story of the restoration of historical justice for Armenians deprived of their ancient lands for years covered the catastrophe of thousands of Azerbaijani families forced to flee the Nagorno-Karabakh. Two years later, a ceasefire was signed in Bishkek, yet the war did not end for good.

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Białoruś 2020 – koniec epoki posowieckiej

Author(s): Paweł Kazanecki / Language(s): Polish Issue: 682/2020

Poczucie, że władza nas zdradziła i bije naszych, zmieniło radykalnie postrzeganie Łukaszenki przez Białorusinów. Analitycy i urzędnicy nie przewidzieli, że naród białoruski może wystąpić w roli podmiotu procesu politycznego i zabrać głos jako suweren.

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