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APOLOGY: A should be for alphabet: the device I am resorting to in some desperation to structure m y thoughts on this subject: m y relations vis-e-vis two Yugoslavian wars. This is m y fourth attempt at organizing the material, the deadline looms and the only virtue of this catch-all structure is its transparency. An A BC . . . ?
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Along with its political and economic recovery (after almost two decades of depression, resulting from the disintegration of the Soviet Union), the Russian Federation has conceptualized and implemented several initiatives aiming at (re)establishing its active, even dominant, position on the Eurasian continent. However, the ongoing changes in the structure of the global order have resulted in those attempts taking place in a new international environment. The Cold War-era territorial, political, and military domination of Russia over the Eurasian space was replaced by a polycentric system. On the one hand, it was marked by the expansion of the European project in the west, attracting and absorbing numerous states (including those located in the direct neighborhood of Russia). On the other hand, China became first a regional and then a global power, thereby gaining the ability to influence the eastern and even central parts of Eurasia. As Bobo Lo claimed, in a changing international environment, the victims are those states who “are either unwilling or unable to adapt” to the new circumstances.
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In July 1976, the Soviet Ukrainian government assigned a recent graduate of the Kherson agricultural institute to his first job posting in Crimea. Keen to encourage the young engineer to stay on the peninsula, representatives of the local authorities met him as soon as he arrived in Simferopol. Although they first emphasized that educated specialists were badly needed in Crimea, local leaders suddenly claimed that all vacancies had been filled as it came to light that R. M. Kerimov was a Crimean Tatar. Kerimov refused to leave Crimea and travelled some thirty miles west to the coastal town of Saki. He arranged a meeting at the town council and got a job straight away because a young woman assigned to work in Saki had recently refused to move to Crimea from her native region in western Ukraine. Kerimov’s first three weeks in Saki went by smoothly, but problems started again when he attempted to register as a permanent resident at the local workers’ hostel. “Are you a Crimean Tatar?”— the hostel manager was startled upon examining his documents—“Leave right now, ... they might fire me, the man who issues passports has already got in trouble for something like this.” As news of Kerimov’s ethnic background spread, his boss begged him to leave and even offered to cover the engineer’s moving expenses. When Kerimov refused to resign from his job, he was quickly fired and the post he had occupied remained unfilled several months later.
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The subject matter of the article is a short reflection on the concept of truth in criminal proceedings. The author raises the question about the manner of understanding the truth in a criminal trial, as well as about the relation of truth to proof and probability – are such concepts compatible, mutually exclusive or differentiated in terms of categories? As a result of such contemplation, the author decided that the text of Article 2 § 2 of the Code of Criminal Procedure concerning material truth – in view of the today’s criminal law scholars and commentators – is similar to the concept of ontological truth, i.e. the understanding of truth in a way that does not refer to the state of affairs only (ontic truth), but also to the statements and judgements made with respect thereto. Such an understanding of truth also allows one to acknowledge the fact that the truth and belief that a certain event (that needs to be proven or made plausible) occurred are two different epistemic categories.
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The world we came to live in today should not have come to us as a big surprise. Neither should the internal problems of the European Union, which, the late Polish science fiction writer, Stanisław Lem, even predicted some time ago. Earlier events such as the Arab Spring, or the weakening position of the United States, and Russia’s imperial aspirations should not have shocked us either. And neither should have the emergence of centres of wealth influence in Asia: China, which is soon to be followed by India and Vietnam, and perhaps Japan and South Korea. Indeed, these and other countries may not be the subjects of our dinner conversations, but the truth is they are getting richer, more powerful and populous.
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Nearly a month has passed since the October 4th parliamentary elections in Kyrgyzstan, but it remains unclear who is actually holding power in the country. There were as many as three individuals claiming the prime minister’s seat. President Sooronbay Jeenbekov announced that “as soon as the situation stabilises” he would be ready to step down. After the resignation of subsequent Supreme Council speakers, two of the deputies argued which one had the right to preside over the Supreme Council (the country’s parliament). At the same time, the council was forced to assemble in a hotel, since on the first night after the election the actual parliament building was looted and set ablaze by rioters.
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On August 9th 2021, Alyaksandr Lukashenka held a press conference to discuss the events of the previous year. It was attended by both local and foreign journalists. The de facto leader of Belarus fielded questions in his own style and according to his own perceptions – or stated perceptions – of the world. He expressed his views on the so-called All-Belarusian People’s Assembly, on the change of president in the United States and in general about the West’s vendetta against his rule, as well as the attacks on his security forces by protesters.
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Since the rigged presidential elections in Belarus last year, thousands of Belarusians have come to Poland seeking refuge from the repressions of the Alyaksandr Lukashenka regime. Almost a thousand of them have already received political asylum and protection. However, their struggle for democracy in Belarus did not end with their departures. In exile, they grouped, got involved and created initiatives that allowed them to not only maintain a spirit of solidarity, but to continue the fight for a free Belarus.
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Svi oni koji su privrženi, vjerni svojoj domovini imaju pravo, ali i obvezu, slobodno izreći i kritički govoriti kako vide stanje u BiH nakon četvrt stoljeća od donošenja, usvajanja Daytonskog sporazuma. Pritom ne treba osjećati strah da će se odgovarati za svaki prigovor, za izraženo mišljenje. Svojedobno su, naime, mnogi hrvatski dužnosnici, i ne samo oni, oštro kažnjavani samo zato što su bona fide – u najboljoj namjeri – otvoreno iznosili svoje objekcije, zamjerke na samovoljno mijenjanje i nametanje rješenja koja su bila protivna slovu i duhu Daytona. Nekad neupitan, danas je ovaj Sporazum toliko izobličen, izmijenjen da ne sliči svom izvorniku. Hrvatski narod, međutim, trpi teške posljedice samovoljnog, bezobzirnog prekrajanja, ionako nepravednog Daytonskog sporazuma.
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Ова тема има значајан друштвени и политички аспект. Треба joj приступити не само као чињеници која се уклапа у историју пoјаве ишчезавања народне ношње на нашем подручју, већ je овај процес дио шире проблематике и токова новије историје у Босни и Херцеговини. Овај процес, који je започео 1878. године и трајао веома дуго, био je до сада код нас само дјелимично обрађиван у повременим политичким и вјерско-доктринерним расправама. Основа рада je истраживање у политичким архивима, затим консултовање литературе која се односи на ово питање, претлед оновремене штампе, као и преглед фотографија и филмова који су забиљежили овај догађај и, на крају, сјећања актера.
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Између два свјетска рата Сарајево je ишло у ред три града (иза Загреба и Београда) с процентуално највећим бројем јеврејског становништва у Југославији (и до 70% у Босни и Херцеговини). Према статистичким и другим објавленим подацима, у Сарајеву je 1921. године живјело 7,458 Јевреја, у години 1931. око 8,500, да би се, досељавањем из мањих мјеста и уз извјестан природни прираштај, тај број 1940/41. попео до близу десет хиљада. To je чинило од 10,35% до нешто преко 12,30% укупног броја сарајевског становништва. Захваљујући стољетним урбаним традицијама и урођеној предузимљивости његових људи, утицај тог дијела становништва на привредни и културни, a унеколико и на укупни живот града био je, у новије вријеме, сразмјерно велихи.
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Review of: Petru Cimpoeșu, Scrisori către Taisia, (Polirom, 2021) / Ion Pop, Ferestre, Antologie de autor, 1966-2021, Editura Școala Ardeleană, Cluj-Napoca / Mircea A. Diaconu, Cernăuți. Obiecte pierdute (Chișinău, Cartier, 2021, – 271 p.) / Corin Braga, Ventrilocul, Editura Polirom, 2022 / Marian Ilea, Huberta, Fundația Culturală Archeus, 2021 / Ioan Dănilă, Corina Tîrnăveanu, Bacău, Editura „Egal”, Seria „Recuperatio”, 2015, 253 p.) / Boeru, Bogdan. (2017). Șapte Sute Șaptezeci, Constanța: Ex Ponto. / Daniela Fulga, Fruntea și inelarul (Editura Grinta, Cluj, 2021)/ Ilona Duță, Travaliu creator, schizoidie, himeră în literatura română de la Mircea CĂRTĂRESCU la Mihai EMINESCU (2021), în Editura Universitaria din Craiova./ „A douăsprezecea noapte” de William Shakespeare, în regia Nonei Ciobanu. / Expozitia lui Mihail Gavril la Muzeul de Istorie din Suceava / Father Pascal Ide's conference /
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Svečan povod pisanju ovog teksta obvezuje me da se na prvom mjestu pred čitateljima još jednom zahvalim profesoru i istaknutom intelektualcu Ivi Bancu. Kada smo u Forumu Bosna objavili Antologiju koja predstavlja izbor ćirilične korespondencije iz 16. i 17. stoljeća, tom je prilikom profesor Banac napisao pohvalan predgovor za nastojanja autora, prevodioca, izdavača i urednika da se široj čitalačkoj publici učine dostupnim povijesni izvori koji govore o prilikama običnih ljudi u Bosni i Hrvatskoj u tom razdoblju, u vidu korespondencije koju državni činovnici vode na jeziku koji je objema stranama razumljiv, na pismu koje im je bilo zajedničko u srednjovjekovnom razdoblju, a u ime dvaju carstava u kojima i taj jezik i to pismo predstavljaju tek drugorazrednu diplomatsku aktivnost.
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Bosna i Hercegovina se može reorganizovati prema demokratskim principima multietničkog građanstva umjesto segregacionih principa etnoteritorijalne podjele. Zaustavljanjem pokreta segregacije u Bosni i Hercegovini, možete poslati snažan signal da će rasizam i nadmoć bijelih biti zaustavljen i drugdje.
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Dakle, Tuzlo. Plašim se za tebe, jer tvoja je zemlja bogata historijom i ima jake ideale. Bojim se za tebe jer rat koji je počeo u Bosni devedesetih nikada zapravo nije završio. Brinem se jer te je liberalna demokratija iznevjerila. NATO te iznevjerio. UN su te iznevjerile, a niko koga poznajem ovdje na Zapadu čak i ne pamti taj događaj, niko koga sam sreo izvan akademskih krugova. Pišem ovo pismo da te podstaknem da ne dopustiš da vas razlike u pogledu rata ometaju u pomaganju jedni drugima. Preklinjem te da ostavite po strani ljudsku prirodu kako biste spasili ljudskost. Ne znam kakva je situacija sada u Tuzli. Molim se da ovo pismo, ovaj dokument, bude besmisleno i nepotrebno jer bih se osobno brinuo ako sam u pravu misleći da bi tvoje stanovništvo i dalje moglo biti podijeljeno.
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We are writing to express our concern about recent statements by Gabriel Escobar, US Special Envoy to the Western Balkans, related to electoral and constitutional reform in Bosnia and Herzegovina. With his remarks, Mr. Escobar essentially condemned Bosnia’s citizens to a future of ethnic divisions, discrimination, persecution, and human rights violations.
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»Rusija je misterij Zamotan u zagonetku «, govorio je Churchill. Stvarno su se jako varali o toj zemlji. A ipak, ruski svijet je puno jednostavniji od starih uropskih nacija, puno jednostavniji od Sjedinjenih Država. U čemu je onda teškoća? Napomenimo da su bile dvije povijesti Rusije. Najprije povijest zemlje koja je kao i druge, premda dugo na margini Europe i daleko od civilizacijskih središta. A zatim povijest zemlje koja je bila sjedište komunističkog režima, fenomena kojem gotovo da nema povijesnog presedana pa je ovog puta kao »alijen«, postala apsolutno središnja u Povijesti XX. stoljeća. No te dvije povijesti moraju se još duplirati. Povijest Rusije je naime povijest jedne zemlje napisana velikim dijelom u inozemstvu i ne slaže se uvijek s historiografijom Proizvedenom u Samoj Rusiji, daleko od toga. Nepoklapanje je međutim postalo totalno kada je svoj monopol nad poviješću ustanovila komunistička vlast. Ovih sedamdeset godina postojala je dakle jedna domaća službena povijest, i s druge strane zapadna historiografija, nimalo jedinstvena jer je bila rascijepljena između strasti što ih je komunizam budio, i oprečnih tumačenja tog fenomena. To nam dakle daje najmanje četiri, pa i pet povijesti.
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The following paper presents some of the problems of the Bulgarian publishing of the co-authored book Middle Europe in Three Essays, which includes the essays of three Slavic authors — Andrzej Stasiuk, Yuri Andrukhovych and Jáchym Topol. The preface is written by Ani Burova. The focus is placed on the conception of gathering the texts in one book and also on the problems of editing and translation, such as order of the essays, translation of toponyms and ethnonims etc.
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The date of Russia's aggression against Ukraine, February 24, 2022, became a new turning point in redefining modern Europe and its nations. However, the longer the war lasts, the more its uniqueness becomes a "strange normal". First, the so-called the 2015 migration crisis, then the 2020 pandemic and finally the 2022 war made us realize how important the black swan syndrome can be in considerations, also about the nation; many current theses are quickly devalued under the influence of new events.
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The signing of the Dayton Accords should have provided the majority of the inhabitants of Bosnia and Herzegovina with the hoped-for return of prewar values. The Dayton Accords ended the bloody war in Bosnia and Herzegovina: this was without a doubt its only contribution. But those same people who started the war and conducted it were also the Dayton Accords signatories. When we see today who is fighting to keep every letter of the Dayton Accords in place, it is clear that the Dayton Accords was put together along lines dictated by nationalist leaders whose wartime conquests it confirmed.
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