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The paper analyzes the strategies of people in agriculture, especially in the mountain regions where the fragmentation of land is significant. The quantity of land there is also limited. This leads to important consequences for the agrarian development. The culture of keeping the lands of the predecessors burdens the market of agricultural lands. The renting of lands depends on the types of plants to be cultivated as the law for renting lands allows contracts for the max of five years and for the farmers it is insecure to cultivate perennial plants on such lands. In this situation the survival of the small-scale farmers depends on their ability to coop and support each other. The article describes the emergence of a coop for bioproduction of roses, mint and milk in the “Valley of Roses”, Karlovo and Gabrovo regions, the solidarity between the farmers, the stimuli and barriers to their activities. It reveals the culture of mutual support based not so much on economic but rather on other incentives such as love to nature and environment, strong desire to prove that bioproduction could develop in the country and that bioproducts are the future for Bulgarian agriculture. It is a different coop in comparison with the socialist collectives. The now established coop unites the farmers for education, qualification, market and mutual support for objectives, but each farmer produces his/her products alone. The farmers sell the products together and each one depends on the culture of others' conscious cultivation of bioproducts. Until now, the experience has been positive and the coop has sustainable development. This is also due to the creation of three professional organizations – the coop as a producing unit, organization for distributing knowledge on organic production and a certifying organization of bioproducts. The survival of the coop depends on farmers’ hard work and solidarity, the strong will to survive, the hope for future significant agricultural support and subsidies when the European Union enlargement involves Bulgaria and the improvement of the economic situation in the country that could bring better buying abilities of the population.
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The paper deals with the most important contributions in studying cultural influences on organizations. The interest of social scientists in this topic began in the 1960s, based on the belief that it was necessary to overcome the dominant parochialism of US researchers in organizational theory and practice. Increasing internationalization of business activities, especially in the 1970s, imposed the need for large-scale studies and for finding practical solutions to the completely new problems encountered by multicultural organizations whose number was constantly rising. In spite of numerous and serious difficulties in every cross-cultural organizational study, several decades of development in this field have produced important theoretical and empirical contributions, enabling further advances in this scientific and practical discipline.
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It is assumed that considerable ethnic distance is an empirical manifestation of the ethnonationalistic political pattern still dominant in contemporary Serbian society. The results of our research of ethnic distance on a non-representative sample of Medical School students (University in Belgrade) confirm this assumption. We discuss a specific sample –future medical professionals who are a priori expected to be free from all kind of prejudice, while the physician-patient relation implies a complete and unreserved engagement of the medical professional, disregarding patient’s race, nation, religion, sex/gender, age etc. Nevertheless, the findings indicate considerable distance among students toward certain ethnic, national and racial groups. The authors point to the importance of bioethics in the education of future medical doctors since, among other things, bioethics reflects various dimensions of specific interaction/communication in the physician-patient relation. Finally, the authors emphasize the significance of bioethics in critical reflexion of a priori and unquestionable authority of the “white coat”.
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Here a preliminary hypothesis is used, viz., that the concept of ‘’postsocialist’’ public interests is disputed in each and every aspect, implicating that a new theoretical and heuristic framework is needed for urban planning. This framework ought to be developed in a way to render it acceptable as a common denominator for the majority of urban actors, on the one hand, and to help balance individual (partial) and collective interests in the preparation and implementation of planning decisions at various planning levels, on the other. Under the current conditions of transition, there are very few elements that could in advance and with certainty be ascertained of public or general interest. The quality and societal relevance of planning decisions would basically depend on the quality of planning communication and interaction, also being relevant for the developing of a public interest. In the contribution, it is particularly emphasized that, following the collapse of the former (‘’socialist’’) public interests, the very legitimacy of planning is endangered as well. We direct attention to a number of new approaches, with a view to make use of their respective rational, productive, emancipatory and modernizing potential. Here, it is almost the last ‘’resort’’ for one to insist on the publicity and public control in planning decision-making, especially in terms of the role of laymen – versus the more powerful and influential stakeholders – as the key direction in developing of new modes of planning. In this context, of crucial importance is to develop a new theoretical articulation of the concept of ‘’postsocialist’’ public interests, as this concept is constituent for developing democratic planning during the transition period. The key aspect here pertains to balancing a large number of emerging and legitimate individual interest vis-à-vis public (collective, common, and similar) interests. This also applies to developing new institutional and organisation arrangements and support that are needed, to direct the ‘’societal game’’ of individual interests to collective public purposes. Particularly, effective arrangements of the kind are needed to prevent the ‘’game’’ ends in destructive outcome, in the first place for the already well established public interests that will predictably keep such status.
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Új Symposion was a neo-avantgarde journal for “art and critique” published in Hungarian language in Novi Sad, Yugoslavia since 1965. Numerous young Hungarian writers and artists from Yugoslavia published their works in this journal. At the time, Yugoslavia was considered a socialist country in which one could publish more freely than in countries of the Eastern Bloc. However, after the 1968 student demonstrations, the circumstances changed and the League of Communists of Yugoslavia strengthened the regime control, which led to censorship, injunction and political trials. Under these new conditions, two issues of the Új Symposion journal were banned in 1971. A year after, criminal prosecutions were initiated against the authors of the two “problematic” texts, Rózsa Sándor and Miroslav Mandić, as well as the editor of the journal, Tolnai Ottó. The oral history interview with Rózsa Sándor offers a new perspective of the Új Symposion case. Rózsa described the trials of 1971 and 1972 and his life in Yugoslavia, as well as the circumstances that made him leave the country.
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Esad Zgodić neosporno je pionir kritiĉke refleksije bosanskohercegovačke politiĉke, uopće društvene misli. Upitno je koliko bismo uopće mogli zakljuĉiti da postoji nešto kao bosanskohercegovaĉka društvena misao kao cjelina da nije bilo dugogodišnjeg Zgodićevog predanog kako refleksivnog tako i mukotrpnog, nazvao bih ga, „arheološkog― rada. Bez Zgodićevih sinteza i kritiĉkih uvida u sferi društvenih promišljanja, slagali se mi s njima ili ne, zagubili bismo se u beskrajnoj razuđenosti aktera i tema, u kontingenciji, naizgled nepovezanih koncepata i ideja koje su i oblikovale ali i rastakale to bosanskohercegovaĉko socijalno tkanje koje, ĉini nam se, nikako da se artikulira otkako je naša zemlja stupila u doba modernosti, od austrougarske okupacije do danas.
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(Lecture held on the occasion of the 95th anniversary of the birth of Alija Izetbegović, August 5th 2020). This is the integral text of the lecture in which the author focused on the role of Alija Izetbegović as the Supreme Commander of the Armed Forces of the Republic of Bosnia during the aggression and war in Bosnia and Herzegovina (1992 – 1995). In doing so he paid special attention to the circumstances in which he acted as the head of the civilian command in this imposed war. He clarified the formal side and the real authority that Izetbegović wielded as the supreme commander, his scope of work, powers and responsibilities, as well as his direct activities in the ranks of the Army of Bosnia and Herzegovina. As a direct associate of Alija Izetbegović during the war, the author pointed out his basic character traits – a highly moral and responsible man caught in the chaos of war. He tried to motivate others with his influence, to embolden all subjects of society and the state to direct their attention and to act in favor of strengthening the combat efficiency of the Armed forces.
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The elections were conducted in specific pandemic conditions, as was the case in the rest of Bosnia and Herzegovina. The imposed precautionary and protective measures prevented mass gatherings, so political parties resorted to other means in the election campaign (posters, billboards, internet, “door to door”). The elections passed peacefully in the area of Gračanica, there were no major problems. The current mayor Nusret Helić (SDP) won, thus entering his fifth term, with a significant lead to his opponents Davud Zahirović (SDA) and Mirsad Čamdžić (Naša stranka). The same party order by numbers of seats and terms remains in the Municipal council. The citizens of Gračanica have shown that they are not in favor of change. Maybe this was decided by the more than 50% of voters who did not participate in the elections.
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