A kolozsvári zsidók a két világháború között
Gidó Attila: Két évtized. A kolozsvári zsidóság a két világháború között
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Gidó Attila: Két évtized. A kolozsvári zsidóság a két világháború között
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This paper attempts to illustrate the role the municipal authorities in Šabac, which were headed by wartime mayor Branko Petrović, and which were part of Milan Aćimović’s collaborationist administration and Milan Nedić’s government, played in the process of usurping the right to property of the Jewish people from Šabac and from the Kladovo Transport, initially through the Committee for Registration and Evaluation of Jewish Property, and later through the Commissariat for Jewish Property.
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A comparative analysis of the two monuments erected on one of the streets in the area of the former Warsaw Ghetto, the Umschlagplatz monument (1988) and the Monument to the Fallen and Murdered in the East (Pomnik Poległym i Pomordowanym na Wschodzie) (1995), shows how the equation of Nazism with Stalinism, if not with communism, has become inscribed in the symbolic topography of that place. The stake in this operation is the ‘Holocaustisation’ of the “Polish fate,” epitomised by deportations into the interior of the USSR and the massacre in Katyń. The anticommunist discourse with a still un-defused anti-Semitic potential (the myth of Judaeo-communism, the double genocide theory) constitutes the overall narrative framework. The result is the rationalisation (presentation as a well deserved punishment or self-defence) of the stances of the majority of Polish society and its behaviour toward Jews during the Holocaust. Instead of upsetting the heroic-martyrological narratives about the dominant group’s past, the increasing knowledge about the facts leads only to their mutation and strengthening. The context of this phenomenon is the politics of memory adopted by Poland and the Baltic states on the European forum. Its dynamic consists in shifting the limits of the European memory compromise, that is, in rationalisation of the Holocaust and anti-Semitism in an attempt to preserve one’s image as the hero and victim.
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The author investigates how corpses of murdered Jews were hidden in towns during the occupation. She examines the case of Edward Toniakiewicz and his murder of three Jews he was hiding in his cellar, and whose bodies he then attempted to dump into a nearby pond. The crime came to light due to his neighbour’s curiosity. The investigation was conducted by the Polish ‘blue’ police, and its documentation was used during Toniakiewicz’s trial after the war. This revealing paper acquaints the reader with various aspects of the fate of Jews hiding on the ‘Aryan side’.
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The study presents three historically, politically, geographically and linguistically interrelated case studies, examining the strategies of representing “differences between races,” in close connection with intentions to legitimize racial hatred and open racism. Plastercast masks of the living and dead were used as self-evident exhibits to visualise “racial differences”. National Socialist anthropologist Eugen Fischer’s 1909 racist study – assuming a scientific identity and methodology – of the so-called Basters of German South West Africa (offspring of married or cohabiting German men and local women), was continued by Hans Lichtenecker’s 1931 “field research” in Namibia. In the latter was a Ger- man artist, who made masks of the faces of local residents, including Basters. He also captured audio recordings. In 2009, anthropologists, historians and museologists had the opportunity to critically reconsider these events through the medium of exhibitions organised by Anette Hoffmann.In 1942, the Naturhistorisches Museum in Vienna, which also maintained intimate relations with the fields of biological and physical anthropology – devoted to scientifically legitimize the Third Reich’s racist policy – commissioned Jewish death masks from the Posen concentration camp. Once the masks were found after long decades, they were on display only once in the Jewish Museum of Vienna in 1997 – the present study evokes, and thus interprets, the spirit of this radical exhibition. Finally, the third case study is the Romany research conducted in the University of Tübingen’s openly nazi anthropological laboratory, where Sophie Erhardt made masks of German Romany (i.e. Sinti) faces. Since 2004 these have been exhibited in the medical history display of the Sachsenhause concentration camp.The history of the exhibition presented from the angle of various intersections is expected to shed light on the dark side of cultural heritage whose study can inform significant conclusions that reach far beyond the scope of microhistorical case studies. The dark side of cultural heritage must concern us to the same extent as all those objects, texts, and traditions that we are proud of.
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The study views figures of Russian anarchists in the writings of Aleksei N. Tolstoy. During WWI he was a permanent author of the liberal “Russkie vedomosti” and published a filo-Semitic story, but after the Revolution he used physical and linguistic anti-Semitic stereotypes for his images of revolutionaries (never giving his personages identifiable Jewish names or indicating their nationality). In emigration and right after it Tolstoy painted his contemporaries, Russian Jews, vividly and recognizably, abandoning all stereotypes. In Stalin’s era, however, the writer mobilized all old anti-Semitic clichés to draw Russian anarchists who were Bolshevik’s competitors and enemies, often sinning against historic fact.
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The article reconsiders the problem of the character of I. Babel’s laughter and leads to the conclusion about its complex dynamic nature. Particularly, its belonging to the carnival culture is being questioned. On the basis of a few texts the transition is observed from the carnival consciousness to the historical tragic bewilderment and to the possibilistic thinking.The figures of Ashkenazi Jews appear in works representing various cultural backgrounds. A very interesting light on the literary way of shaping their image is shed by the characters of works that are very culturally and thematically distant from each other: The First Polka by Horst Bienek and The Odessa Tales by Isaac Babel. Georg Montag and Benia Krik represent two different approaches to the question of the existence of the Jewish nation, its coexistence with representatives of the dominant culture and the preservation of identity. Thanks to the analysis, one can observe not only numerous assimilation crises, but also the characteristics of the described cultural and social norms.
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This essay reflects on the sources that are available for the study of the Red Army’s encounter with the Holocaust. It discusses the accessibility of various archives in Russia and focusses on informational reports, a type of intelligence documents that the Soviet armed forces produced about the newly occupied territories.
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The history of Frankism is typically presented as the history of a charismatic messianic usurper and his followers, rather than the history of a movement of Jewish messianists that emerged in the mid-18th century in the southeastern corners of the Commonwealth from the Sabbatean underegrround. This treatment of Frankism can be attributed to some extent by the state of source materials, focused as they are on Frank himself, a colourful and charismaticc figure, attracting the attention of both the Jewish and the Christian circles. Other participants and leaders of the messianic surge, Frank’s comrades and rivals, practically disappeared from history books. I would now like to rectify that picture at the key moment in the Frankist history, the time of baptism of hundreds of Podolya sectarians.Immediately after the Kamieniec dispute (1757), in which the consistory court proclaimed the Frankists the winner, their patron, Kamieniec bishop Mikołaj Dębowski died. Until that time nobody was interested in a conversion by the sectarians, who rose in Kamieniec against the rabbinical orthodoxy: neither the bishop of Kamieniec, nor the Frankists themselves, who sought to form a separate synagogue, and it looked as though their goal was at hand, but the bishop’s death completely overturned the situation. The Sabbateans, who came out of hiding as they sought to legalize their sect, lost the bishop who had a plan of working with them and sufficient clout to carry out the plan. They did not repent however, and did not return to the fold of rabbinical Judaism. Neither did they disappear from the spectrum of interest of Church and Jewish leaders. Then new players joined the fray on the sectarian side, in particular Jehuda ben Lejb Krysa, and, on the part of the Episcopate, part of the Church elders who had other plans regarding the sect than Dębowski. The prolonged vacancies in the seats of Kamieniec bishop and Lvov Archbishop, central to the handling of the sectarians’ matters, prove that tough negotiations were taking place with regard to the manning of these offices.The gamble which began with Dębowski’s death led to massive baptizing of the sectarians, which at first nobody wanted and of which there were no harbingers as late as during the Kamieniec dispute or the consistory court ruling. Neither the Sabbateans nor Frank nor the Kamieniec curia led by Bishop Dębowski desired the baptism. In the article I described at length the developments and scheming which ultimately led to the Sabbateans receiving their baptism.
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Aim. The primary aim of the study is to examine how the issue of Holocaust is integrated into teaching of history at primary schools and grammar schools in the Slovak Republic. The secondary aim is to present the methodological ideas, suggestions and recommendations for teaching Holocaust in Slovak schools. Methods. The subject of the study is analysis of basic state educational documents defining the compulsory content of education and training for the school subject of history at primary school and grammar school, thus the National Educational Programme for lower secondary education (second stage of primary school) and the National Educational Programme for grammar schools (completed secondary general education), with emphasis to Holocaust. The method of analysis is applied to textbooks of history that contain information of Holocaust. The study also includes a detailed analysis of methodological recommendations and suggestions prepared by the Ministry of Education, Science, Research and Sport of the Slovak Republic and the National Institute for Education to assist teachers in teaching Holocaust issue. The study is supplemented by knowledge from educational practice what was obtained through interview method with 15 teachers of history. Results. Holocaust is an integral part of teaching history at primary schools and grammar schools. Students get acquainted with Holocaust issue in Slovak and global historical context in the 9th year of primary school and in the 3rd year of grammar school with a four-year educational programme. The basic content of education is defined in the eduational standards of national educational programmes. Teachers can specify and concentize it even more within teaching of history. Its development is aided not only by textbooks of history but also by various educational and professional activities defined in various methodological materials and manuals.
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In one of my previous articles (Tucan 2020), I showed the great extent of the phenomenon generated by the diaries kept by young children and youngsters during the Holocaust. For these young people experiencing directly the anti-Semite persecutions of the WWII, these diaries were the only way to preserve the direct experience of sufferance in a world haunted by terror. In truth, while most of them did not survive, their written pages made it through history to become authentic papers documenting the horrific universe of the ghettos, of the concentration camps, of the lives spent in hiding and in secrecy. Unlike the genre of memoirs, which encapsulates the story of survival, the diary is the survival itself; they are therefore able to allow us a close introspection into the traumatic experience of the Holocaust and become vital documents for preserving the memory of a historical rupture caused by this great tragedy of the 20th century. In addition to this, the innocence of the diarists, their young age and their wide range of intensely emotional experiences recorded in these personal journals are essential pieces necessary for completing the picture of this collective tragedy, which the present must not forget and must cherish as an antidote against ideological and totalitarian irrationalism. In my article, I will dwell on similar phenomena closely connected with the Romanian Holocaust (Eva Heyman, Zimra Harsá nyi, Miriam Korber-Bercovici, and some others). Such a scholarly enterprise is extremely necessary since, in Romanian culture, the memory of the tragedy inflicted by the Holocaust has been rather obscured and purposely avoided (see Florian, 2018).
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“A Poor Christian Looks at the Ghetto” and “Campo di Fiori” are the most acclaimed Polish poetic works on the Holocaust. They have been read as texts on the collective anxieties; the article assumes this interpretative position as well. It begins with a reference to the concreteness of war, that is, an attempt to understand the array of scenes and phenomena that underlie the poetic images. In fact, literary accounts and testimonies of Polish Jews suggest that the general context includes the problems of the Polish violence towards them and collective responsibility incorporated into the plan of extermination inaugurated by the Nazi Germany. In Miłosz’s poem, the unwanted awareness of cooperation and contribution to the Holocaust resurfaces as anxieties (represented by the “mole-guard”), whose invasion is followed by the collapse of the symbolic order and domesticating images. Present yet invisible to the society, the knowledge of Polish violence thus functions as the Lacanian Real. Polish perspective on the death of Jews is put forward in “Campo di Fiori.” Against the traditional readings of it as an account of “apathy,” this text juxtaposes the event of burning the heretic on stake by Christian inquisition with the gaze of a “poor Christian” focused on the burning ghetto. Both figures share the exclusion of dying people who establish the limits of Christian and Polish community; simultaneously, the dying occupy a “dangerous place,” one that is destined to be annihilated in the realm of foundational myths of identity. In the times of the Holocaust, constructing such a limit happens to be a sentence legitimising the actions undertaken by the Nazis.
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In the authorities' view, the Jews were spies of the enemy, either directly, Soviet Bolshevismor the Anglo-American imperialists. All the legislative measures, orders and ordinances taken by theauthorities, most of them having as issuer the Ministry of Interior, imposed on the Jews an exceptionalregime. After the outbreak of the anti-Soviet war, on June 21, 1941 and the great pogrom in Iasi in anumber of localities in Moldova, the obligatory port of the yellow star was introduced for Jews. Thefashion of stigmatizing Jews has its roots in the medieval period, being restored to contemporarypractice by Hitler's Nazi regime since 1933.This distinctive sign, an element of Jewish discrimination, was imposed sporadically on theterritory of Romania during the war. The sign was first introduced for the Jews who were obliged towork in the labor camps. Thus, by Regulation 2030, of July 12, 1941, signed by Antonescu, it was statedthat the Jews from these detachments "will have on their left arm a yellow bracelet, 10 cm wide. Thewearing of the distinctive sign was one of the many restrictive and discriminatory measures imposed onthe Jews of Romania in the Antonescu regime (1940-1944).
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This paper seeks to provide an analysis of a few booklets published in Romania between 1865 and 1867 which reveal the contradictory positions of political elites on the Jewish question. Moreover, I pinpoint that Jewish issues were perceived as a hot potato in many high political circles, with electoral, economic and intellectual stakes for all the actors involved in those debates.
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