![Around the Bloc: Greece to Russians: Come Back Again, and Again](/api/image/getissuecoverimage?id=picture_2016_24503.jpg)
Around the Bloc: Greece to Russians: Come Back Again, and Again
Russian visitors to Greece could soon be rewarded with a cash-free but extremely valuable prize.
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Russian visitors to Greece could soon be rewarded with a cash-free but extremely valuable prize.
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Aimed at boosting regional cooperation, the talks come amid concerns the migrant crisis could ignite a new Balkan conflict.
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In this paper we deal with ethnically diverse categories of residents of the Duchy and the Kingdom of Serbia in national censuses conducted between 1834 and 1910, with an accent on those conducted from 1862 – the period when official state statistics institutions were established. We do not deal foremost with numbers and statistical analyses, but with censuses as such –as we consider censuses to be an important instrument in the hands of the state which has the power to count, delineate and categorize the population. In this pa-per we give special attention to the relationship between the census officials and (ethnic) minorities: when and in what measure the interest in counting and documenting “others” emerges in Serbia, how they are categorized, which terms are used for minorities as such or various groups specifically, and how the data on these is interpreted. From this a certain image emerges – an image of the relationship between the state and ethnic “others”. This research displays a prominent tendency in this historical period to view minori-ties not as an integral part of the state and society, but as an alien, foreign body in it. Also, the meaning of the existence of ethnically diverse groups is often minimized, due to their alleged small numbers. Even though valid conclusions on the position of minorities in the state and society would require more thorough research and more sources, we consider the way in which ethnically diverse groups of citizens were treated in state censuses as very indicative in this sense.
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Although the present study frequently refers to Germany, I believe that my conclusions apply more generally to ageing European societies and to the impact of migration from poor to rich countries. Like much of Europe, Germany is an ageing society. The proportion of the working age population is falling, while the proportion of pensioners or the elderly is rising.1 Therefore, it seems like a plausible idea to close this demographic gap with those mostly young people who are clamouring for access to Europe’s welfare states. More and more people want to come to Germany and other rich European countries from Africa and Middle Eastern countries ravaged by civil war and repression, or even from impoverished countries in the Balkans where many people have lost hope of ever finding a job in the formal economy and earning a decent wage. Hence optimists believe that the needs of ageing European economies and the needs of would-be immigrants knocking at our doors complement each other. We open our doors for refugees and people trying to escape from civil war, hunger and poverty. They come. Host countries, refugees and other immigrants improve their lives. The world becomes a better place.
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Since the Constitutional Revolution of 1906, successive regimes in Iran promoted competing conceptions of Iranian national identity. However, the policy of promoting nationalism as a state-sponsored ideology that excludes Iran’s ethnic and religious diversity remained unchanged. Competing discourses around nation building and identity strikingly intersect with the struggle for democratization in Iran. Since the Islamic Revolution, the pro-democracy movement in the country takes place on two fronts: the confrontation between the conservatives and the reformists, and the challenge posed by the ethnic movements towards the official denial of the ethnic and religious diversity of Iran. This article argues that be they reformist or conservative, successive governments in Iran have refused to recognize the multi-ethnic structure of Iranian society and the legitimate rights of the ethnic groups. Therefore, a regime change would be unlikely to alter the social and political status of ethnic and religious minorities unless the ethnic movements and the pro-democracy opposition collaborate. Formation of a common discourse on the question of ‘Iranianness’ is the primary condition for this to be accomplished.
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Kyrgyzstan asks Eurasian Union to help stop infected meat from crossing its border.
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Viktor Orban’s government accelerates its campaign against EU refugee policies in the wake of Britain’s Leave vote.
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Kosovo opposition MPs question a demarcation agreement with Montenegro, and the Slovenian foreign minister resigns over a row with Croatia.
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The migrant crisis is an imposed problem that requires a thorough solution. The complete understanding of the reasons for migration, as well as the situation in the Mediterranean basin and in the Middle East is a precondition for finding appropriate solutions. Eradication of poverty and disparity, the fight against terrorism and the ISIS extremism as well as the fight against other similar groups are just a fraction of the necessary preconditions for a successful dealing with the current challenges. The solution to the drama with the endless wave of migrants from Syria and the Middle East, to Which We are sad observers Seems is not to be seen soon. First of all, if we look at the European political elite and the general lack of a reliable and clear strategy for solving this problem, all we will see is helplessness and mutual accusations. The migrant or the refugee crisis is Followed by a large number of incidents or series of events. The massive arrival of refugees in the European Union, usually you illegal migrants from Asia, Africa and parts of Southeastern Europe, started in the mid of 2010 and escalated in 2015. The Reasons for the mass arrival are traditionally associated with the chronic unemployment and poverty in These countries, but lately, macaws Also result of the war, especially in Syria, where the civil war Caused massive exodus of the population. The situation is similar in Libya, where the fall of Moamer Gaddafi's regime led to anarchy, used by the well-organized networks of human traffickers By mid-2015, the refugee crisis Mainly took place on the Mediterranean coast of Italy, where refugees were arriving by ships and boats. In many cases, such attempts were futile and led to mass deaths.Lately, there has Been A massive influx of refugees and migrants in the Balkans, using Greece and Croatia, EU member countries on the periphery of the Union, as entry point. But also, The Republic of Macedonia and the Republic of Serbia, candidate countries for the EU, are not bypassed. Although the European political establishment met the refugees and with sympathy as victims of the horrors of war That EU needs to Provide Shelter for, in time, the attitude toward the refugees Became subject to fierce criticism by part of the European public. Concerns about the additional burdening of the social services, worsening of the security situation or the possible disappearance of the Christian identity of Europe two to the massive influx of Muslims from war areas in the Middle East arose. Recently, the attitude toward the migrants Became the subject of a heated debate - disputes between some European countries, especially between some European countries, especially between Germany, Which insists on "open door" policy and Hungary, Slovakia and Poland, claim That Which Their countries will suffer two to Consequences such policy. The refugee-migrant crisis is a threat in several aspects and Already has influence on the economic and social stability as well as internal security in the countries through Which the migrants transit or remain, including the Republic of Macedonia. The busiest western - Balkan route used for arrival in the Schengen zone, especially in Germany, Sweden and other Western and Nordic countries, brings negative influence visible in the social aspect, genuine threat to the national identity (culture, language, religion) and such Inevitably endangerment will lead to an increased At incidence of xenophobia, nationalism and racism. At the end, conditions for emergence of social disintegration will be created in the countries through Which the migrants transit or remain, including the Republic of Macedonia. The economic stability, being crucial for a social stability, but also, for internal security, will be affected two to the use of additional resources and capacities (accommodation, health, communal services, transport and education) That the affected countries, including the Republic of Macedonia, Should Provide and sets two function to the newly arisen situation.
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The main feature of European institutions behaviour regard to crisis is characterized by lack of systemic approach, ad hoc responses and giving priority to the preservation of European and national boundaries in comparison with the protection of human rights. In migrant crisis, it is evident that tension exists between two opposite concepts and thus clear separation of two components of crisis: on one side it is humanitarian problem closely related with the human rights concept and equality of all human beings, and on the other it is security risk problem connected with organized crime and terrorism, as main manifestation forms. Which of these two concepts will prevail in the future, depend largely on the concrete field situation development and solely political decisions that will follow the process. If we take into account the serious security flaws in the relevant structures of the EU member states, as well as the apparent current inability to adequately respond to the improved, diversified strategies of terrorist groups, there is a real fear that for the sake of the concept of security, many civilization achievements will remain to exist only on the level of common phrase, empty shell without any content.
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The most difficult period that the Polish Autocephalous Church of the 2nd Polish Republic experienced was in 1938 when, by the decision of administrative authorities, over 127 sacral buildings in Khelm region and Podlachia were pulled down. The third transfer stage took place from 1937 to 1939 and, for the most part, took the form of demolishing Orthodox churches. (It should be noted that the demolition of Orthodox churches happened throughout the whole period of the existence of the Second Polish Republic.) The churches which were destroyed were those which were the symbols of the Russian Tsar’s reign. Over thirty Orthodox churches were destroyed, including the cathedral in Saski Square in Warsaw, the Sts. Cyril and Methodius cathedral in Khelm and the Resurrection cathedral in Bialystok. The demolition of these Orthodox churches – regarded as symbols of Russian rule – was spontaneous and often irrational. Nevertheless, it never happened on a massive scale. Only in 1938 did a programme of destroying Orthodox churches emerge as a distinct element of the Polonisation effort. This programme was initiated by the government itself. The official reason was that those churches were not needed, dilapidated, or had been built as a result of Russifi ation in the past. However, it appears that the reason was to weaken the Belarusian and Ukrainian national minority movement through closing parishes and active Orthodox churches. The “pacification: of parishes in 1937 started in the Lublin region. First, a kind of social movement for the “propagation of Polish values and traditions” was created by the polish local authority. Then the army and police persecuted the Orthodox Church and people in order to convert them to Roman Catholicism. The demolition of Orthodox churches was conducted from the second half of May until the first half of July 1938. The actions were taken up by the local administration and co-ordination committees with help from the army and police in a hostile, anti-Orthodox atmosphere. To this end, the government used youth, army sappers, worker brigades, and even prisoners. Administrative and material measures were used to pressure the Orthodox who were blackmailed and threatened while their churches, which often served thousands of faithful, were destroyed. In most cases, the Orthodox community made no attempt to actively resist the demolitions. They prayed and protested, but were unable to oppose such an officially organised action. The transfer and destruction of Orthodox Church property naturally weakened the position of the Orthodox Church for the campaign limited its priestly activities, in turn creating the very conditions for transfer, the main goal of the state’s policy. Many Orthodox faithful started attending Roman Catholic churches when they had no church or parish of their own. Nonetheless, the threat to the property of the Orthodox Church brought the faithful, clergy, and church hierarchy closer together. Anti-government and anti-Polish attitudes began to grow in the Orthodox community. The result may be seen in the Khelm, Podlachia, and Volhynia regions during the Second World War.
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Did the Warsaw Summit represent a significant new development – as is argued both by NATO lobbyists and by the blowhards in Moscow?
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The paper‟s methodological basis deals with the issue of legitimacy and defining the titular sovereignty in the state of Bosnia and Herzegovina. On that trail, the paper studies the problem of categorizing the concept of "sovereign constituent peoples - could there be "sovereign Serbian", "sovereign Croatian" and "sovereign Bosniak" peoples in Bosnia and Herzegovina, and whether or not these terms are justified. Pursuant to the existing sovereignty theories and their practical application, the paper explicitly concludes that individual ethnic groups cannot bear sovereignty, but only in its totality as a political people of Bosnia and Herzegovina.
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This paper elaborates the genesis of the establishment and development of political pluralismin Bosnia and Herzegovina starting from the hypothesis that the power of the ruling ethnicparties did not allow the building of consensus in the adoption of laws necessary for the development of the state of Bosnia and Herzegovina in the post-Dayton period. Three ethnic parties: SDA, HDZ and SDS, after winning the first multiparty elections in1990, based the exercise of authority by the Parliament of Bosnia and Herzegovina’s on the principle of partnership, and not on the democratic principle of establishing a coalition political agenda for the exercise of power in the won mandate. The partnership between the parties in government took place on matters where there was mutual consent. In the first post-war elections, held in September 1996, the same three ethnic parties won again: SDA, HDZ BiH and SDS, with 86% of votes of the electorate. Ethnic parties thus again after thewar gained the dominant power in the entity parliaments and the Parliamentary Assembly of Bosnia and Herzegovina, to which the constitutional structure of Bosnia and Herzegovina defined in Dayton also contributed. In Parliament of Bosnia and Herzegovina they applied thispower in the form of partnership in government. What lacked was the determination of the coalition agreement and the political program of the coalition as the indispensable basis forconsensus in the adoption of laws. As a result, in the Parliamentary Assembly of Bosnia andHerzegovina there was no consensus between the ruling parties on the most important issuesfor the development of the state of BiH. It was not possible to strengthen the power of the Parliament and to develop parliamentary democracy. Laws promulgated by the OHR enabled major reforms in the process of integration of Bosnia and Herzegovina into the European Union. Instead of the power of the Parliament, we see the power of party elites. Instead of parliamentary democracy, we see partitocracy.
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This paper seeks to contribute to the response to the question of how religions can contribute to the process of inter-ethnic reconciliation in the Western Balkans. Given that religious communities still enjoy a great reputation in this area and that people of the region express high levels of religious self-identification, it is expected of religions to give contribution to this process. It is evident that religious communities are not sufficiently candid and not evenly open to the process of reconciliation, probably because of the role they had in not too long ago completed clashes as well as lack of boldness to deal with that role. If we go back to sacred texts and documents of religious communities, we will find abound arguments which advocate peace, coexistence, respect, forgiveness etc. However, the problem is not in the scriptures, but in how they are interpreted. Religious communities can contribute to the reconciliation process through a variety of ways such as: coping with their own role in the past events, encouragment of mutual recognition and respect, making dialogue, preaching the necessity of peace, coexistence and tolerance, educational processes in order to promote the ethics of coexistence in peace, preaching about the lethality of hatred and affirming the ethics of forgiveness, through joint visiting of crime scenes by the religious leaders, etc. Given that reconciliation is a complex process that requires time, we should all be a part of it so that generations that are coming know how to live with the differences that are the main feature of these territories.
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During the modern period, Europe was affected by a series of military conflicts, which periodically rebalanced and reshaped political, social and cultural relations between the states involved in them. The wars in which the Nordic countries, the Russian Empire and/or the Romanian area took part thus resulted in temporary or more constant alterations of the bilateral and multilateral connections between them. Although not always accurate when put into the perspective of the subsequent events, contemporary accounts regarding these conflicts and the shape of the political and cultural relations surrounding them represent extremely important sources of information for researchers interested in establishing the reasons that caused certain international developments of the 20th century. Having this in view, the present study’s aim is twofold. Firstly, it intends to reveal the value of the written accounts pertaining to Nordic and Russian travellers through the Romanian area in the modern period and, secondly, to bring to light some rather hidden aspects of the cultural relations between these three geographically and culturally distinct spaces. As cultural interactions are closely connected to political developments, a fact particularly relevant during the modern period, these two types of interstate contacts can only be analysed jointly and this general observation was either intrinsic to or made explicit in most of the analysed travel accounts. Moreover, the conclusion that must be drawn after evaluating the relations between the Nordic countries, Russia and the Romanians during the 17th-19th centuries is that sometimes political conflicts, even when they took the form of wars, could stimulate, not hinder, cultural contacts between the parties involved.
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In Norway, a leading promoter of peace, the attack on the 22nd of July 2011 came as a shock, not merely because of its violence, but also due to the perpetrator’s motivation. According to him, multiculturalism undermined Norway and had to be stopped. The act did not only target the direct victims, but also some of Norway’s social and political traits. An open democracy and a multicultural society were then being placed under scrutiny. This paper thus focuses on the role of the attack within the subsequent political discourse on immigration and integration in the Norwegian context, discussing how it was shaped by the 22/7 events. Through Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) this paper identifies the circumstances under which the attack has been referred to (directly or indirectly), the manner in which the events have been portrayed at a political level, as well as the specific approaches of left-wing and right-wing parties and the influence of the attack on their rhetoric. The findings reveal that the event played a role in discourses regarding political, institutional or social issues. It has been portrayed as a violent attack, perpetrated by a lone, mentally ill person; who targeted innocent young people, but also as an act of terror, performed by a right-wing extremist, aimed at challenging the Norwegian state and society. While the major political parties maintained their ideological lines of discourse, the event seems to have moderated their rhetoric.
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Modern history of Muslims in Balkans including the history of Bosniaks is marked by violence: demographic changes, crimes and genocide. One of the key features of this violence is erasing the memories of any kind of trace. The aim of the article is to raise the question of remembrance that is commemoration of crimes. Second part of the article will focus upon the forms of erasing or falsifying history in the example of Bosnia and Herzegovina.
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International policy makers, even those with a genuine resolve for peacemaking, often shy away from getting involved with political conflicts where the principle of self-determination clashes with that of the territorial integrity of a state, or devise ad hoc plans that lack the potential to become a lasting solution. In the Cold War context of the 1970s social scientist István Bibó observed and explained this phenomenon and suggested a mechanism to correct it. His idea was to set up a special international court for impartial political arbitration and to solve “territorial and state-formation conflicts” by the principle of national self-determination. He proposed to recognize the global territorial status quo as the “constitution of international relations” but to “amend it” by fostering ethnic-linguistic separation in the special case of irreconcilable conflicts. Viewed from today Bibó’s case studies of the Arab-Israeli conflict and the Cyprus question have shown remarkable foresight and several of his specific suggestions have become core elements in road maps for solving them. Additionally, in contemporary political and scientific discourses on other ethnic-territorial conflicts, opinions seem to shift in line with his views as experiences of the last decades seem to corroborate the validity of his analytical framework and general policy recommendations.
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