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The particular history of relations between the state and religions, and the juridical arrangements governing the life of these religions over the centuries, constitute a third element determining the make-up of the institutional representation of Islam. Conceptions range from the very secular, as in France, to a view that accords a great deal of space to religious bodies for their participation in the life of society. The reinforcement of the process of secularisation, however, is what characterises recent trends in Europe the most, especially compared to the rest of the world. And no matter what legislative forms these relations between the state and religions take, this drive towards secularisation touches the countries with state religions such as Denmark, Greece or the UK as much as the ‘concordat’ countries, namely Spain and Italy. Those countries that had developed a clearly ‘culturalist’ vision, like the Netherlands, in particular through the policy ‘pillars’ of Catholic, Protestant and humanistic doctrines, now seem to be returning to a more distanced policy with regard to different faiths. One could even advance the view that the presence of Islam has necessitated this distance, and some people now consider that this new religion cannot be too closely associated with public life. Policies that favour the expression of the Muslim faith could appear to contradict the declared neutrality of the state. For example, the very active support of the state for the establishment of the French Muslim Council was vehemently attacked in France as being contrary to Republican principles. And finally, the concerns engendered by radicalisation, in particular terrorism, have certainly accelerated the processes of recognising official bodies representing the Muslim faith. The British example is indicative of this, with the government shifting in 2005 from a very neutral, distant position to a desire to almost manage these bodies. In order to illustrate these points, we will examine the different processes that have been tried out to provide Muslims with a representative structure in France, Germany, Belgium, Netherlands, Spain, Italy, UK, Austria, Greece and Bulgaria and, secondarily, the public policies that have aimed to develop training curricula for imams.
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(Ne) budi ovca: o etničkoj diskriminaciji predstavlja izabrane analize objavljene na web portalu koalicije Jednakost (www.jednakost.ba), u okviru koje organizacije koje su njen dio imaju za cilj ukidanje etničke diskriminacije konstitutivnih naroda i Ostalih na cijelom prostoru Bosne i Hercegovine. Formalna i faktička diskriminacija u ostvarivanju ličnih i političkih prava, a dalje i kulturnih, ekonomskih i socijalnih, utječe na samorealizaciju i samostalnost svih individua koje žive na prostoru Bosne i Hercegovine. Sloboda i jednakost, bez obzira da li se one ostvaruju individalno ili kroz kolektiv, neotuđiva su ljudska prava i ne trebaju biti ovisna od drugog kolektiva ili pojedinaca_ki.
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Even today, 20 years after Dayton Peace Agreement, Bosnia and Herzegovina hasn‘t become democratic, stable, and built on european values state. We can state the same for Bosnian civil society. Fragments of nationalism and legacy of the Yugoslav wars are most visible in the Balkan country. “Yugoslavia in miniature” resits reforms that take into account contemporary international and european relations. The road to the Dayton Peace Agreement was long and characterized by concomitant use of diplomacy and military force, but also the failure of international community. Repeated diplomatic efforts by European community, and then with United States jointly, through institutionalized forms of international organization (UN, NATO, cScE), informal (contact Group), and ad hoc incurred for the former Yugoslavia (International conference on the Former Yugoslavia) failed to stop armed conflicts and to impose peace. The authors of this paper examine all relevant international initiatives undertaken since 1992 to 1994 with the aim of preventing the war in BiH and, also the causes and consequences of their failure. Simultaneously, attention has been given, at certain places, to inner political changes in BiH that we have identified for critical distortionary factors of achieving peace. Finally, we provide a look at the implications of (un)solved Yugoslav crisis for the former Yugoslav republics.
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Twenty years after the Dayton Peace Agreement peace has been preserved in Bosnia and Herzegovina, although there is a strong feeling of discontent with the internal structure established in Dayton. This paper explains why Dayton Agreement constructed Bosnia and Herzegovina as a state with absolute external, but considerably limited internal sovereignty. The limitation of internal sovereignty is a consequence of the fact that Bosnia and Herzegovina did not manage to preserve its stability during the dissolution of Yugoslavia (1991–1992) and consequently ended in a war (1992–1995) threathening regional and international security. This war challenged the establishment of the unilateral order, therefore the United States of America had to intervene in order to save its hegemonic status. Bosnia and Herzegovina was only to some degree constructed as a state – without full internal sovereignty. It was constructed also as a framework within which an international intervention is necessary in order to prevent a renewal of hostilities. Therefore, even 20 years after 1995, survival and structure of Bosnia and Herzegovina are highly dependent on the character of international system and the continuity of hegemonic position of the United States of America in the Balkans. The paper analyses options which Bosnia and Herzegovina would have if international system changes. Reasons for which major internal changes are impossible are also analysed. Bosnia and Herzegovina lacks sufficient consensus between main domestic actors, while the chances for a construction of common identity (Bosnian-Herzegovinian Us) are small due to essential weakness of the concept of Other in this case. Furthermore, prospects for more significant changes – even those which would lead to greater stability or integration – remain limited because Bosnia and Herzegovina was not meant to be a state with internal sovereignty.
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The author analyzes the current political developments in Bosnia– Herzegovina, as well as different views on the future constitution of the country that have the local (ethno) national elites of Bosniaks, croats and Serbs. In this sense, the author states that there are certain indications that the announced reform of the constitutional system of one of Bosnian entities – the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina carried out so as to form a “mega–cantons“. That will actually realized by the domination of ethnic principle and would be completed the same process initiated by the Dayton Peace Accords (1995). Special emphasis in this analysis, the author puts the external influence of the European Union, the Russian Federation and Turkey to Bosnian political leaders. In this sense, he nevertheless concludes that “European path“ of Bosnia–Herzegovina will be accelerating, but also that Turkey and Russia will try to preserve strengthened impact in the region of the Western Balkans.
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The General Framework Agreement for Peace in Bosnia and Herzegovina (B&H), also known as the Dayton Peace Agreement (DPA) was reached in the US air military base Wright-Peterson in Dayton-Ohio on 21 November 1995, and formally signed in Paris on 14 December 1995. The signing of the DPA formally marked the end of the fouryear war in B&H, whereas the country was divided into two Entities: a Muslim-croat Federation of Bosnia & Herzegovina and the Republic of Srpska. The DPA establishes the international military and civilian presence to oversee the implementation of the peace agreement, and lays the foundation for the society and state building in B&H in a time of peace. Analysis of the effects of the DPA over the last twenty years at the national, regional and international levels, shows that the peace agreement has helped maintain peace in B&H and achieve some degree of political normalization and economic cooperation among the countries in the region, and that the continuity of NATO after the end of the cold War has been justified (“the electricity effect on NATO”). Furthermore, by ceding command to the EU, the NATO has contributed to the strengthening a common Foreign and Security Policy for the European Union. The process of EU approximation is an opportunity for B&H and other countries in the region for a qualitative expansion of the DPA, based on the assumption that the international military and civilian presence in B&H will come to an end, and that the Entities will support democratic and economic consolidation of internal policies and better bilateral relations with the neighbors, in particular with the Republic of croatia and the Republic of Serbia.
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Author is examining the constellation of veto players in the political system of Bosnia and Herzegovina through the analysis of institutions formed by the Dayton Peace Agreement, more precisely by its Fourth Annex: The constitution of Bosnia and Herzegovina. The creators of this document, having in mind the need for ethnic balance in the peace-building process, established complex internal institutional structure and complicated set of procedures. During the course of this research, the number, relations and other features of veto players are established on the basis laid in the works of American political scientist George Tsebelis. He researched the impact of veto players on legislative status quo, and, subsequently, on policy stability. It should be emphasized that our paper will primarily focus on institutional veto players established by the Dayton Agreement, but nevertheless we will also shortly examine other actors that do not necessarily derive from the peace process, such as political parties. The application of veto players’ theory can be used not just in the assessment of stability, efficiency and persistence of the “Dayton system” in Bosnia and Herzegovina in general, but also more narrowly – in the analysis of singular institutional solutions created by the 1995 peace agreement.
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The theme is dedicated to the current debate on limiting part of personal rights and freedoms of citizens, to enhance the public safety. After the rapid development of global terrorism and the numerous attacks in Western Europe in recent years, a large number of politicians, diplomats and experts in the field of security in the EU raised this discussion. In many countries, we are already seeing increased security measures. The paper examines measures to ensure human rights, presenting opportunities for their legal restriction against currently available spelled out documents. The report presents the position in favor of restricting human rights in order to enhance the security of society. The position "for" is definitely determined only under strict legally spelled out, not coming out of certain frames (including time), measures. Clear violation of human rights in any aspect is rejected. Different case studies are presented and various personal rights and freedoms are examined, which restric.
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This report is a brief chronological overview of the history of the protection of critical infrastructure. It presents the policy for the strategic EU sectors, which are essential for its normal functioning.
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This text is about victims, ordinary people, who were, in the whirlpool of SFRY disintegration war, on the target of their cousins only because they were of different ethnicity or religion. It is known that everybody loses on that target, there is no winners. One side is ruined and the other, as expected, ashamed after war sobering up. No one hits so treacherously and so violent but the one who knows us good and who is close to us. That is the reason that the wounds heals so slowly. Unscrupulous politicking and crime propagation “in the name of nation and religion” were involved in this most delicate human relations. The scientific research which are missing, could confront us with the longterm tragic consequences of broken marriages, broken and damaged cousins and in-laws relationships.
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The Indian diaspora is one of the largest national overseas communities. Around 22 million Indians and people of Indian origin live abroad and are in almost all countries of the world. They play an increasingly important role in Indian national and foreign policies, as Delhi has been dynamically re-engaging with Indians globally and involving them in the development of the country. The overseas Indians have a significant political, economic and soft power role in Indian domestic and international aspirations. As this diaspora continues to grow and the government in Delhi emphasises its importance, one may expect it will play a larger role in cooperation with India. The Indian minority in Poland is a relatively new phenomenon, which emerged only after the end of the Cold War, especially after Poland joined the EU, since when the number of Indians in Poland has more than doubled. It seems that the size of the community will increase in the future, as the Polish economy continues to grow, and as more foreign direct investments, including those from India, are made in Poland, enhancing the country’s economic attractiveness for migrants. Today, the Indian community in Poland is made up of almost 4,000 people. This makes it the eighth largest immigrant community in Poland. Although still relatively small, if compared with those established in many Western European countries, it is the main concentration of Indians in Central Europe, and among the New EU Member States. This gives Poland a certain comparative advantage over countries in the region vis-à-vis India.
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This book is an attempt to address the notion of Critical Race Theory (CRT) and the underlying parallels with the experiences of Black Minority Ethnic Students (BMEs) under the guise of Widening Participation policies and practices within the realms of Higher Education Institutions (HEIs). The book attempts to explore and compare the post entry academic and social inclusion concepts for BME non-traditional students. The author carried out an extensive level of investigation through her PhD titled “Critical Race Theory A Phenomenological Approach to Black Minority Ethnic Students within Higher Education Institutions”. Moreover, the author within the PhD work identified the habitus structuring models and the academic and social constraints applied within HEIs. This book attempts to illustrate the impact of CRT upon the recruitment, retention, race and racism, learning and teaching themes which are embedded within HEIs. Themes at macro level, meso and micro levels are investigated.
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Published in 1936 by » Établissements Émile Bruylant, Société anonyme d’Éditions Juridiques et Scientifiques « (Brussels). // M. Moskov's work comes out at a time (1936) when the Law of Nations is going through a particularly acute phase of depression. Jurists will only be more pleased to see, at this precise moment, express with such lucidity, firmness and faith this interpretation of one of the most curious creations of contemporary international law: the guarantee of Minorities Rights elaborated in International Law. Without any doubt, it will surprise many politicians who have been directly involved, in recent years, in resolving the difficulties relating to the treatment of minorities. But is it not the highest mission of the jurist to project on the creations of social life the strong light of a penetrating analysis, to identify their distant origins, to mark their analogies, to render intelligible the functioning of the cogs of the new institution, to locate its place in the evolution of the Law? Attentive to the psychological, moral and social aspects of the new phenomenon, as well as to the conventional texts of which he gives us a penetrating analysis, M. Moskov gives these legal developments a solid basis which carries conviction. His main thesis, which the internationalists of the Contemporary School would be grateful to him for having demonstrated, is that the guarantee of the League of Nations constitutes in this case a real public function, not a faculty. The Council could not therefore avoid it without failing in its task.
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The events that struck Bosnia at the turn of the millennium - its people slaughtered and expelled, assaulted and humiliated, its towns and villages ravaged - did not concern only Bosnia. No individual, nation, region or state was protected from it, although their role took different forms. It is the whole human person who has suffered. It would be a never-ending task to list and describe these various experiences, and anyway, no matter how deep we go, their essence may well remain elusive. This is why this book attempts, on a more general level, to differentiate the modern world view from the traditional one, allowing a "Bosnian response" to take shape as they meet. // PUBLISHED IN 2005 BY DURIEUX PUBLISHING HOUSE BASED IN ZAGREB
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This alternative report has been drafted with the aim of examining the implementation of the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination (ICERD) in the Republic of Croatia. It represents an alternative source of information with reference to the country report on the implementation of the Convention for the period 2007 — 2018. The substance of the report is focussed on the practical application and effects of selected provisions in the Convention with regard to Serbs, who make up the most numerous ethnic minority in the country. Serbs' position in the Croatian society is largely determined by the legacy of inter-ethnic intolerance and the armed conflict of the early 90s, due to which they have been continuously exposed to greater risk of racial discrimination in relation to other social groups. The Alternative Report comprehensively lists the weaknesses and problems in the implementation of national anti-discrimination regulations and policies. It places a special emphasis on considerations regarding adequate investigation, prosecuting and sanctioning, as well as public condemnation and prevention, of hate speech and violence against Serbs. While recognising that a certain degree of progress has been achieved during the reporting period, the Alternative Report also draws attention to the still-present problems of sustainability of the return and reintegration of Serbs who had fled, or had been displaced, their access to their rights, as well as the inconsistent and problematic process of realising certain legally guaranteed rights and freedoms. The report suggests that the Croatian authorities' public expressions of dedication to the struggle against racial discrimination need to be substantially and comprehensively reaffirmed by consistent and decisive action to implement anti-discrimination regulations and policies, which is as yet lacking, as well as prompt and unambiguous public condemnation of inter-ethnic violence and hate crime, hate speech and other manifestations of intolerance towards Serbs.
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A publication before you is created with the aim of bringing inter-religious dialogue and the religions’ peace potential closer to youth who are involved in politics in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Looking at the political participation as an activity in which young people usually have a secondary role, through acting in youth forums in their political parties, in election campaigns or through civil society organizations, it appears that young people are involved in political life, however, their ideas and attitudes are not used in the best way, i.e. in decision-making bodies. the Although political participation of youth is a burning issue in our society, this publication will not directly deal with but it, but it will focus on another important topic that is often misused for political purposes - religion, or more precisely inter-religious dialogue and religions' peace potential through the perspective of young people. Religion is often covered as a topic in political life, but in a negative context, using stereotypes and prejudices in order to create an atmosphere of intolerance and gain profit for political purposes. Therefore, with this publication we will try to compensate for the lack of resources on inter-religious dialogue and the peace potential of religions and their importance for the advancement of political dialogue. The publication is intended primarily for young politicians and activists from civil society organizations who deal with issues of political responsibility and political participation. It will serve as a manual for including the peace potential of religions and inter-religious dialogue in the political engagement of youth.
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Considering that education is important for the future of young generations, during 2017 UDIK worked on the handbook From Yugoslavia to Dayton – Monuments and the culture of memory through the influence of socio-political systems. The aim of this handbook is to contribute to building a culture of memory of the population on the war events of the nineties and to the prevention of unplanned and massive construction of monuments through education about the monuments to the victims of war that were created during that time period and after it. Five experts from the fields of history, security and peace studies, political science and communication sciences participated in the creation of this handbook, namely: Edin Radušić and Amir Duranović – Faculty of Philosophy, University of Sarajevo, Nerzuk Ćurak – Faculty of Political Sciences, University of Sarajevo, Amra Čusto – Cantonal Institute for the Protection of Cultural, Historical and Natural Heritage Sarajevo and Edvin Kanka Ćudić – UDIK Sarajevo. Attached to this manual is work material intended, as well as the entire manual, for all those who work with students in order to use this handbook and use specific examples to help their students better understand the monuments and the culture of memory in Bosnia and Herzegovina and beyond.
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The conflict with the Palestinian side is a long‑term existential challenge for Israel. It plays out on four levels: territory; population; national aspirations and identity; security. Each of them generates conditions that make a resolution of the dispute or its absence decisive for the future character of this state in terms of its ethnicity (will the majority of the population still be Jewish?) and political system (will it remain a democracy?), as well as its external and internal security. At the same time, the Palestinian question remains a matter of concern for the international community – particularly public opinion – which makes it a major issue in Israel’s international relations.
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The arrival of more than one million immigrants from the former USSR, back in the 1990s and post-2000, has resulted in a surge in Israel’s demographic and economic potential, sealed the domination of right‑wing parties on the Israeli political scene and in public discourse, left its mark on Israel’s historical policy, and finally, contributed a new language and previously unfamiliar customs to the country’s cultural mosaic.
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