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Transitions Online_Around the Bloc-Muslims Fleeing Ukraine Find Turkish Welcome
Thousands of Meskhetian Turks have been resettled in Turkey, while their hopes of returning to their Georgian homeland still look dim.
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Thousands of Meskhetian Turks have been resettled in Turkey, while their hopes of returning to their Georgian homeland still look dim.
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While the move signals a step forward for the two countries, some worry that war graves will become magnets for Greek irredentists.
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For 15 years, extremists have annually honored a Nazi ally accused of signing death warrants for thousands of Jews.
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Intergroup contact reduces prejudice and improves outgroup attitudes, while a salient social identity might have the opposite effects. Recent research has shown that exposure to positive information about the outgroup could influence such effects of the contact and social identity on the outgroup attitudes. Here we investigate the effects of the contact and social identity on the outgroup attitudes, and forgiveness toward the outgroup of Bosniak Muslims among Serbs (N = 400) by randomly al-locating them into control and experimental groups. In the experimental condition, the students were presented with brief biographies of three eminent Bosniak Muslims, in the positive context, after which they com-pleted a survey. In the control group, students were only presented with the survey without the biographies. Subsequent independent samples t-tests showed that the mean values for ingroup identification and inter-group trust were significantly different in the two groups. Specifically, participants who were in the experimental condition, being exposed to the positive information about Bosniak Muslims, reported a higher level of intergroup trust and a lower level of ingroup identification as Serbian. We then performed a multi-group structural equation modeling through which we tested a predictive role of the past contact and in-the group identification on trust and collective guilt in both control and experimen-tal conditions. Across both groups, past contact positively and ingroup identification negatively predicted both intergroup attitudes and forgive-ness via trust and collective guilt. Exposure to the positive information about the outgroup moderated the indirect effects of the ingroup identi-fication on the intergroup attitudes via collective guilt.
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The Republic of Srpska (RS BiH) achieved independence within Bosnia and Herzegovina in 1995. Since, numerous questions have arisen regarding the quality of Bosnia and Herzegovina’s sovereignty. In order to offer a transparent analysis of the situation in the Republic of Srpska, this paper is divided into four parts. The first section contains an analysis of the political situation. The author presents the constitutional basis upon which the RS BiH operates, followed by information from the recent parliamentary and presidential elections. The second part contains a brief analysis of the economic situation in Republic of Srpska, including a series of data with an impact on the status of the Republic of Srpska’s economy. In the third part, the author focuses on the social situation in the Republic of Srpska, by providing the facts and figures on various social aspects such as population census, migration, unemployment, mines, etc. In the fourth section, the author suggests a few possible scenarios of the future developments in and surrounding the Republic of Srpska.
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Not many studies have dealt with how Serbs from Serbia see Croats and Bosniaks in the light of the wars from 1990s. In our study, we used a quasi-experimental approach to assess the type of stereotypes provoked in Serbs, and their relationship to social distance and the national identity. The sample consisted of 66 participants of Serbian ethnicity, born between 1991 and 1995, who are residing in Serbia. The instruments included Social Distance Scale, National Identity Scale, socio-demographic ques-tionnaire and a set of collective memory stimuli followed by a set of questions. As stimuli, we used shortened versions of collective memories as described by Ruiz Jiménez (2013), in order to set a context which referred to the 1990s wars. The results have shown that the described stimuli have impactneither on stereotypes nor on the social distance and the national identity of participants. However, the social distance is lower than in previous studies in the region, and Croats are consistently seen in more negative terms than Bosniaks and Serbs.
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The purpose of the work is to study the reflection in ethnic costumes of Volyn and Byelorussian frontier of the main traditional characteristics, reflecting regional peculiarities. Methodology. Among the research methods used, we give special attention to the following: historical retrospective, structural-functional, descriptive, etc. Scientific novelty. The article for the first time comprehensively substantiated and objectively worked out the material on the formation and development of ethnic Volyn and Belarusian frontier clothing. After that we systematized this material, analyzed the common and distinctive features and described it logically. Conclusions. For the first time the article analyzes the formation and development of ethnic clothing of Volyn and Belarusian borderland. The connection of archaic archetypes of Volyn and Belarus with the transformational processes in the formation of clothes of Volyn and Byelorussian frontier regions is specified. Thus, the study of the national features of Ukrainian and Belarusian dress of Volyn borderland allowed to approach the disclosure of an important cultural and art-related topic of an inter-national boundary - a territory of a special civilization, political, economic and ethno-cultural interaction. The ethnic Volyn motifs are reflected in the examples of creative collections of Ukrainian and Belarusian clothing designers.
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Thousands of Meskhetian Turks have been resettled in Turkey, while their hopes of returning to their Georgian homeland still look dim.
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In this work, the author analyses the solutions for the principles of formation, the organizational structure and the legal nature of institutional arrangements for non-territorial cultural autonomy in comparative law. The conclusion is that the organizational structure and the legal nature of the institutional arrangements of non-territorial cultural autonomy are different in comparative law. The complex organizational structure of such arrangements and their existence at different levels of political and territorial organization, which prevails in comparative law, problematizes the „non-territorial” character of such autonomy and deviates from the theoretical model according to which non-territorial cultural autonomy carries out its authority over certain issues within the entire territory of the state, posing a risk that from the process of forming of bodies, through which such autonomy is realized, especially in the case of dispersed minorities, a certain number of their members could be excluded. The explicit definition of the legal nature of such arrangements is rare in the comparative law, but in most countries where such arrangements exist, the status of legal entities of public law is recognized at least indirectly or in constitutional court jurisprudence.
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Swastikas drawn on the gate of the Polish embassy in Tel Aviv mark the latest developments in the Polish-Israeli row over Holocaust remembrance.
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President Nazarbaev decrees switch to new Latin script, abolishing the Latin script he approved just months ago.
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Despite Albania and Macedonia’s acknowledged progress, a lot still remains to be done.
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The aim of this paper is to find answers - based on the history of the Roma - to the question of how their future will develop in Hungary. It examines the two distinctive types of research on the Roma. In the 70’s and 80’s the main research into the Roma was characterised by analysis of their social situation and poverty. From the 90’s, however, a line of research developed which treated the Roma population as an independent cultural ethnicity and political community. In our opinion, this latter trend will determine the coming decades as well. The question is, whether it will happen on a peaceful, negotiated way, or with more impatient methods.
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The court proceedings signal Brussel’s willingness to enforce the policy, but EU Council chief Donald Tusk has called the furore ‘divisive.’
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In the article the interrelation of concepts "ethnos" and "nation" in the modern European and native scientific thought are analysed. Polyethnicity and polyculture of Ukraine are not simply what is given, but the point of origin, the basis, on which the state policy must be built with the purpose of increase of cultural creative resources, potentials, satisfaction of interests of all ethnos – representatives of a single Ukrainian nation – citizens of the single Ukrainian state.
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The Turkish president’s remark about “victims and oppressed brothers” in the Balkans rankles in the former Ottoman colonies.
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The advent of a more open society in Eastern and Central Europe has created space for political and cultural freedoms unthinkable under state socialism, particularly for the Roma (Gypsy) minority. The years since the change of regime have revealed apparently insatiable appetites for “Gypsiness” among consumers, impresarios, and recording companies, and artists from the East Bloc, many of them from extremely modest backgrounds, have filled niches in the business of sating those appetites. Yet for many Roma in the region, the political changes of twenty years ago have been disastrous: the end not only of full employment and a robust social safety net but also of the limitations on free speech and rigidly enforced state monopoly on violence that hid racial tensions under a veil of oppression. This paper addresses the contrast between the conditions of the Roma population at large with the successes of a handful of successful musicians. It also considers the ways some musicians in Hungary are working to improve both the conditions for Roma and the perception of Roma by non-Roma in and out of the region.
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A century ago, Bihar/Bihor County was a rather unremarkable corner of the Hungarian Kingdom, one situated far from international boundaries. The population of Bihar/Bihor was almost equally split between ethnic Hungarians and ethnic Romanians, a fact of little consequence until the last decades of the nineteenth century, when a number of middle-class national activists began to emphasize the region’s status as a national borderland and worked to define and defend the Hungarian–Romanian border they saw running through it. This essay explores the nationalists’ efforts through a local cultural association, A Biharvármegyei Népnevelési Egyesület (Bihar County Society for Popular Education). Its aim is to show that the sharp lines that appeared on maps of “the nationalities of Austria-Hungary” emerged in a particular historical context, and also that these lines were much more blurry than many mapmakers and historians would have us believe.
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This paper presents the autonomy movement of Voivodina, what has been achieved so far and why the pre-1990 autonomy could not have been attained. The Hungarians of Voivodina have traditionally been enthusiastic supporters of provincial autonomy despite the fact that Voivodina’s autonomy is not a kind of ethnic autonomy. This issue will be explored through a focus on the case of the Hungarian minority and the ways in which the autonomy of Voivodina benefits ethnic minorities. I will demonstrate that the current powers of provincial institutions have been sufficient to implement minority rights in Voivodina better than in the rest of Serbia, yet were not enough to prevent inter-ethnic incidents. I will also consider why provincial authorities could be better trusted regarding minority protection than the central government, including in dealing with future ethnic violence.
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