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This article deals with the phenomenon of populism and the form it takes in the context of the Úsvit – národní koalice party and the Blok proti islámu coalition. The methodology of the analysis is based on Laclau’s account of populism and includes a discursive analysis of the populist mentality as a tool to form a vague argument against “bad” Islam culture. These assumptions are tested by a summative content analysis and are contextualized by a metaphor analysis. The results confirm all assumptions: Úsvit and Blok create a specific populist mentality based on a negative perception of Islam, a positive (but empty) national identity, and a simplified critique of the current establishment framed as tool for spreading bad culture which is based on the ideology of Muslims and Islam.
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The article is deals with ethnic cleansing, that is, the violent methods that constituted the central element of the civil war in Bosnia and Herzegovina in the 1990's. The article aims to show the fatal consequences of the military operations that were conducted with the aim of the ethnic homogenization of the individual territories,and were rooted in the differences in the demographic development of the constituent peoples (the Serbs, Croatians, and Muslim Bosniaks) of Bosnia and Herzegovina before the outbreak of the conflict and the impact of this development on the transformation of the ethnic composition of the individual regions. After defining the terms “ethnic cleansing” and “genocide,” the author analyses the character and extent of the violent local homogenization that led to the greatest refugee crisis in Europe since the end of the Second World War. On the basis of a summary of the individual stages of the ethnic cleansing during the war from 1992 to 1995, the author seeks to demonstrate that the civil war in Bosnia and Herzegovina at first erupted mainly in places that had, during the last two decades before the breakup of Yugoslavia, manifested the most striking changes in the ethnic representation of the constituent nations (chiefly the Eastern Orthodox Serbs and the Muslims). In the second part of the text, the author focuses on analyzing the strategic interests of the elites of the Serbs, Croats, and Bosniaks and the forms these interests took during the violent ethnic homogenization of the territory under their military control.
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This paper analyses the conflict between Germans and Czechs sparked by the language question, exploring its historical roots and focusing particularly on the 20th century. Methodology from cultural studies and sociology is applied. As witnesses of these historical processes, two people have their say: first, the journalist Barbara Coudenhove-Kalergi, with her report on the expulsion of the German-Bohemian aristocracy from Prague in the year 1945, and second, the writer and diplomat Jiří Gruša who looks back at the representatives of the anti-ideological generation in Czechoslovakia, who lost their civil rights in the time of the normalizace. A possible way of avoiding a repetition of this fatal process involves the concept of Ähnlichkeit (resemblance), which is derived from philosophy (Wittgenstein) and cognitive psychology (Roach).
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The article attempts to explore the efforts of political emancipation of Assyrians in the post-Saddam Iraq. Assyrian people are ancient ethnic, linguistic and religious minority which has for centuries been the target of persecution. Assyrians, as other Iraqi suppressed minorities, intensified their calling for self-determination after the fall of the Iraqi totalitarian regime, but without any perceptible effect. The Assyrian question is rooted in complicated history, geopolitics, ethnic mosaic and religious differences which are explained in the text. Assyrians do constitute a coherent nation. That is why the article examines Assyrian identity problems which influence the political attitudes of Assyrian groups. Th is text deals with the current social status and political activities of the Assyrian people in Iraq and in Iraqi Kurdistan. The author focuses on the issue of an Assyrian autonomous area in northern Iraq, dwells on the most viable proposal and outlines which intrastate and foreign political actors support the idea of Assyrian autonomy and which do not.
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Based on the study of archival records, the author explains the adoption and implementation of Law No. 74/1958 on the permanent settlement of nomads. In the introduction, the author analyzes the studies of other authors. It assumes that the law was adopted on the basis of an appeal by Slovak residents who complained about the behavior of nomadic Roma. The author also uses personal testimonies of nomadism. The next section focuses on the enforcement of the law itself on the territory of Trnava region and surroundings. In connection with the implementation of the law, it was necessary for state institutions to resolve accommodation, education, employment and health care for nomads. The basic requirement for the enforcement of the law was the creation of a register of nomads. Registration took place in February 1959. According to archival records, testimonies and personal experience, the author concluded that the travel ban did not have as dramatic and traumatic an impact as other authors describe. The nomads underwent the settlement well and insisted on solving their problems. At the end of the work, the author points to the relativity of the interpretation of history depending on the coincidence of preserving archival documents.
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The personal income tax redistribution system of the Slovak Republic has several elements that adversely affect a large part of the country’s population, practically dividing the municipalities and their inhabitants into two groups. Although the revenue from the total personal income tax is distributed among the regional governments (30% between the county and 70% between the local governments), the assessment of the share redistributed to the local governments shows significant discrimination. This is mainly due to two elements: the first is the redistribution based on the altitude of local governments, namely that those above 300m altitude get a significantly higher share than those at lower altitudes. The second discriminative rule is the one that ensures a disproportionally larger share of redistributed funds to larger localities (above 50 thousand inhabitants), to the detriment of smaller ones. The paper introduces the detailed functioning of the redistribution system from the standpoint of the municipalities, and quantifies its effects with a focus on the territories inhabited by ethnic Hungarians.
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Cyprus is an island state located in the Mediterranean basin at an equal distance of the shores of Europe, Africa and Asia. Due to this economic and geographical location, the country served as the object of the dispute between the great empires of ancient times. Over time, the island of Cyprus came under the control of different peoples; from Egyptians to Byzantines in the Ancient period, from Arabs to Crusaders on the Middle Ages, from the Ottoman Empire to the Great Britain on the Modern period. The process of decolonization started in Cyprus after the Second World War. In this context the Greeks which are majority voiced the wish their union with Greece ("Enosis"), in time what the Turkish minority claimed the split of the island according to the ethnic principle. The Turkish minority aimed to join to Turkey the Turkish side of the Cyprus. The United Nations operated in Cyprus on 1964 to prevent battles between Greek Cypriot and Turkish Cypriots. Following the escalation of the Turkish military aggression on 1974, the Security Council mandated UN's troops to oversee the ceasefire, the buffer zone for humanitarian missions, and support the UN Secretary-General's mission in the area. In 2004 the Republic of Cyprus is accepted by the European Union as a Member State. At the time when it was decided that Cyprus could join the European Union, it was assumed that the new Member State would be considered in its entirety as a confederation. After several Union Nations mediated talks that did not lead to any result, the application for membership in the Republic of Cyprus appeared as an opportunity that should not have been missed. Integration of Cyprus into European Union structures would become the best way to find a solution.
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The study "Aspects of the evolution of the interethnic, intercultural and inter-confessional dialogue in Dobruja" intends to offer an analysis of the dialogue in Dobruja society through a comparative research, a discernment of the particularities, of the differences; the analogy is meant to facilitate the synthesis, the vision of the ensemble. Unfortunately, the historical circumstances, the local and continental geography placed Dobruja under the sign of transit space destiny that was strategic in the arsenal of the hegemony policy of the European Powers, which put, in other terms, the evolution of its integration in the construction of the Romanian national state.The author intends to value, on the one hand, the specificity of Dobruja in the Romanian geography, with its historical, political, spiritual, economic reflexes and, on the other hand, the projection of the Dobruja space on a European scale, together with geopolitical implications.
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As a dense ethnically varied society, the beauty in our diversity seems not to be maximally positioned for appreciation because the adverse effect of our ethnicity is quite glaring and profound. Amongst other factors militating our unity as a nation, ethnic and cultural identity is a strong contender. While culture is a consummate world view of a society, ethnicity is centered mostly on shared single ancestry or lineage amongst other things. Thus, even amongst culturally relative groups, ethnicity often plays out as tool for conflict amongst them. This conflict is not some simple disagreement on opinions but complex matters of superior/inferior and majority/minority appropriations of liberal and social matters. The rising trend of interculturality, if applied as a prescriptive tool, may restore unity to our society while also maintaining the identity that is so important to each group. It is therefore, the position of this paper that, interculturality carries a new order for human interactions that is capable of unifying seemingly divergent groups and orientations. Seeing that the adverse effect of ethnicity has become a threat to our corporate existence as a country, every scholarly attention it is receiving is worth it, until a sustainable solution is reached. Using a descriptive method, this paper will show how interculturality bears solution to the problem of ethnicity in Nigeria and can promote a peaceful climate and unity for further growth.
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Рад на проучавању и приказивању етничке проблематике у средњем веку има извесне опште црте, заједничке са свим другим периодима истори je народа у Босни и Херцеговини и неке сасвим посебне, својствене само средњем веку и феудалиим друштвеним односима. У прву групу спада известан број методолошких концептуалних и терминолошких проблема, у другу известан број проблема које намеће стање изворне грађе и специфичности средњовековне друштвене струхтуре.
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The aim of the article is to review the scientific positions from the point of view of which the problems of interethnic cultural communication are treated. The author's approach is a retrospective review of factors and factors that led to the synthesized nature of Ukrainian culture during its development, especially in connection with its state in the conditions of existence in other states and interethnic cross-cultural communications that took place in Ukrainian history. Methods of research. The main method of research was a systematic analysis, the use of which allowed us to comprehensively aсеsess the relationship of various ethnic elements in the functioning of Ukrainian culture, considered in its historical space-time. In the course of presenting the material, Ukrainian culture was characterized in terms of consideration in its historical segment of the interaction of various ethnocultural functional communicative elements. The scientific novelty is that for the first time a retrospective analysis of interethnic cultural communications in Ukraine was carried out. The conclusions of the study are projective in terms of identifying trends in the field of interpretation of inter-ethnic cultural communications in the field of modern methodology of humanitarian knowledge. It is determined that intercultural communications acquired a special status during Ukraine's independence when works were published in which Ukrainian ethnography, ethnology, ethnocultural studies, etc. were synthesized with world studies that reveal the genesis and functioning of inter-ethnic cultural communications.
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In this study on “Genocidal anti-Bosnianism”, five elements of anti-Bosnian ideology are looked at with reference to past and potential genocides: (1) orientalism and self-orientalization and Turkification and self-Turkification as applied to the Muslim section of the Bosnian people; (2) the ideological justification of the war against Bosnia and her people by reducing it to a Civil War; (3) the ideological inversion (and so undermining) of any potential politically conscious Bosnian identity (Bosnianhood); (4) the means and mechanisms for anamnesis in understanding the genocidal anti-Bosnian project; and (5) psychological and epistemological shortcomings in current research into genocidal ideologies. In the author’s view, this analysis at least suggests potential ways to overcome our failure to come to terms the present and future threat of genocide and other crimes being repeated.
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This qualitative study will focus on the identity and integration process of young Syrian refugees, using the rhetoric of young refugees to focus on how migration routes can help them achieve their integration and development goals. identification. • Understand the impact of identity situations on the various social networks, in particular the current situation, school integration. The impact of family relationships on their immigration status, as well as peer relationship choices and future visions. In addition, the objective of this study is to better understand the reality of young refugees by analyzing their migratory trajectories and their identity processes of integration into the host society (in Turkish) and to describe identity strategies as refugees and the mobilization of refugees. Young people discover the identity process in different living spaces in Turkey. Interview data will reveal the uniqueness of the case. However, within the framework of the Immigration and Integration Project, trends have emerged, such as the painful immigration trajectories, the difficulties of Turkey's social and educational path, and the ability to overcome difficulties in the face of repeated constraints, and this article will consist of five main parts. Initially, this subject will focus on the contextualization of the research object through a review of the literature and the formulation of research questions. Next, the theoretical framework describes the theoretical concepts that form the basis of the research topic that the research objectives will follow. In a third step, the methodological framework will present the method chosen to answer the research question. Section 4 provides results by presenting the data. Finally, the last section will be the general conclusion of the article.
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The aim of the article is to analyse the living conditions presented in J. M. Coetzee’s novel Age of Iron with reference to differences between the white and black communities of Cape Town in South Africa. It argues that differences in the conditions of living related to social and racial divisions are also reflected in the visions of the afterlife. The protagonist of the novel, Mrs Curren, portrays white people as living in comfort and dying in old age due to natural causes. The moment of their death constitutes a transition from earthly life to spiritual or incorporeal existence. In contrast, black people die young in apartheid fights. The dismal portrayal of the destruction of black people’s housing corresponds to Mrs Curren’s naturalistic descriptions of the dead bodies of young black activists. Their death does not involve a transformation into a spirit that has shed its body; death offers no relief, since their bodies and souls remain in “African hell”.
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The concepts of “house” and “home” constitute two poles of experience which negotiate the space between economic and emotional safety. Associated with material well-being and personal relationships, they may serve as litmus-paper tests to probe the economic and personal situation of people living on a given territory. The last to-date novel by the Australian novelist Peter Carey, A Long Way from Home (2017), takes up the issue of Australia as a metaphorical home to diverse groups of people: the white descendants of British colonisers, post-WWII survivors and immigrants, and the indigenous Aboriginal inhabitants of the continent. Employing the plot of the all around-the-country car race, the novel shows how the land, seemingly homely and open to everybody, may be read as a palimpsest of trauma and pain, and quite inhospitable to many of its inhabitants. Referring to the concepts of the picaresque and chronotope, this article will argue that both the metaphoric and the literal meaning of the concepts of house and home are employed in the novel to disclose and discuss the internal and immigration policy of the Australia of the 1950s.
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Since the 18th Cabinet of Lithuania took office on 11 December 2020, its government programme has stood out owing to its determination to follow a values-based foreign policy and the clear intent to develop ties with Taiwan. Soon afterwards, a resolution started to materialise: Lithuania withdrew from China’s “17+1” format and publicly voiced its intention to allow Taiwan to establish a “Taiwanese Representative Office” in Vilnius. China treated this announcement as crossing over its “red line”, and the response was swift and harsh as Sino-Lithuanian diplomatic relations entered into a crisis after China recalled its ambassador to the country. The retaliation soon started with the deterioration of trade ties, which gradually expanded into other spheres. Currently, China does not want any involvement with anything “Lithuanian”, and given the complexity of the Taiwan issue, this diplomatic crisis is far from over.
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Identity and the need for autonomy or independence are recurrent in international relations. Numerous times, the impossibility to achieve sovereignty leads to conflicts, many of them manifesting from time to time as a new political agenda. The conflict over Nagorno-Karabakh determined over time new political and legal positions on international arena, by evaluating the principles of international law regarding different dimensions of the conflict. This paper aims to answer some of the questions regarding frozen conflicts based on the claim of the right to self-determination and secession of residents, focusing on the frozen conflict of Nagorno-Karabakh and the application of international law.
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This article aims to present the motives of the geopolitical restructuring of South-East Europe at the end of World War II with an emphasis on relations between Yugoslavia and Bulgaria. In this context, the author first identifies the interwar interests of four involved parties, namely: the Yugoslav and Bulgarian communist leaderships, and the political representatives of the Soviet Union and the United Kingdom. In the second part, the author describes the development of the idea of Yugoslav-Bulgarian integration after the War, first during the period of rapprochement between two communist parties, and then in the period of the Cominform crisis and the dramatic turnaround in their relations. Besides different macro-geopolitical visions, the author also identifies significant differences in motives at the micro-geopolitical level. Contrary to the proclaimed idea of the 'South Slavic Brotherhood', the Communist Party of Yugoslavia perceived the idea foremost as a maneuvering tool in its relations with the UK and the Soviets, while the Bulgarian Communist Party used the (con)federal idea for pursuing multi-layered interests. It was primarily a part of the strategy for resolving the Macedonian question, but the alliance with Yugoslavia was also a tool for protecting Bulgarian territories in the relations with Greece, and consequently leverage for strengthening the internal position of Bulgarian communists in the post-war consolidation process.
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People from different ethnicities, tribes, clans and religions inhabit a harmonisation village. The research problem is why the people of Sibadoar village have obedience to preserve the harmonisation village and whether there is a threat to maintaining Sibadoar village as a harmonisation village. To obtain the data used, descriptive qualitative research methods with data collection techniques, in-depth interviews, direct observation, Focus Group Discussion (FGD) and literature study. Research informants consisted of the Sipirok subdistrict head, the Sibadoar village head, the LMD head, village officials, and nonvillage apparatus groups, namely, community leaders, religious leaders, traditional leaders and youth and community leaders who knew the object being asked. Based on research, the community's obedience to preserve the Harmonized Village's status is mainly due to the fabric of a sense of kinship in the Dalihan Na Tolu bond. With this concept, they feel like one unit, so whatever their brother's shortcomings must be forgiven because it will be an embarrassment for the villagers. Dalihan Na Tolu custom strongly influences the community in daily activities, including traditional, both in the form of siriaon (joy) and siluluton (sadness). However, the development of technology, transportation and information has slowly influenced the community's determination to maintain the status of a harmonisation village, especially among teenagers.
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