![Around the Bloc: Presidents Meet Over Nagorno-Karabakh](/api/image/getissuecoverimage?id=picture_2016_23388.jpg)
Around the Bloc: Presidents Meet Over Nagorno-Karabakh
Soon after the presidents of Armenia and Azerbaijan agree to continue peace talks, more killings take place on the frontline.
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Soon after the presidents of Armenia and Azerbaijan agree to continue peace talks, more killings take place on the frontline.
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Srebrenica survivors outraged that former Bosnian Serb leader escapes life sentence; Serbian radicals rally behind him.
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In Hungary, a referendum could strengthen the nationalist government’s anti-immigrant stance, even though migrant numbers have fallen sharply.
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Were ‘Taliban’ fighters crossing the Afghan border terrorists, drug smugglers, or both?
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Putin would have launched all-out invasion had Ukraine fought to keep the peninsula he later annexed, document shows.
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Moscow driving out Turkmen, Sunni Muslim populations to protect its regional military interests, Ahmet Davutoglu says.
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Another 188 people have arrived in Poland from the war-torn Donetsk region.
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Hungary’s premier says immigration and terrorism link ‘obvious,’ calls for greater EU border controls, vetting of migrants.
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Peninsula still largely without power as Russia works to link annexed territory to national energy grid.
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Emergencies, crises and disasters have become part of daily life in today’s “risk society” with very serious consequences and high cost in human lives, material losses, environmental degradation and symbolic damage they cause to human communities. Due to various reasons of systemic nature, societies in transition are particularly vulnerable to crises. In addition, the crisis in these countries are significantly politicized and media-exploited what, with the fundamental tensions between domestic (national) and European (and / or Western) standards, rules, routines and habits in terms of how to act in a specific situation or in what direction it is necessary to reorganize the structures and institutions responsible for crisis management. Republic of Slovenia has developed a relatively effective system of crisis management, although of course there is still much room for improvement of the strategies of crisis management and linking the different elements of crisis planning and preparedness. The system of response is flexible and actors of crisis management are motivated and empathize with the victims. They also display a high level of voluntarism. In major emergencies relations between the different local, regional and national, military and non-military actors at the operational level are not always quite clear and are occasionally followed by certain tensions and confusion regarding responsibilities and competences. The process of decision-making and leadership practice are in many cases contrary to the rules and procedures planned, with the switch of responsibility or simply its assuming, accompanied by improvisation and ad hoc solutions. The media in crisis situations have an ambivalent role, torn between commercial interests and social responsibilities. Like in other countries in transition the crises in Slovenia often have a tendency of politicization, but unlike some other countries there is no expressed tension between national and European values. Building a crisis management system in Latvia took place in conditions of profound political, economic and social changes in the context of its relations with Russia. After the establishment of independence the decision-makers try to overcome the system of civil security designed and built after the Soviet model and get the civil defense out of military structures, but these efforts are limited by a lack of resources and a kind of political-administrative indecisiveness. The inertia of the old system with incomplete comprehensive system of crisis management proves to be a serious problem in terms of the existence of the media who are no longer under the party control. Structural factors that have conditioned the frequent crisis are inadequate and unstable regulation and institutionalization, limited resources, weakening infrastructure, the shadow of authoritarianism, changing media culture, ethnic tensions and “infected” external relations. The old institutions and regulatory arrangements get rejected or incorporated in a radically altered institutional and political context. Segmented and uneven process of legal and political reform leaves gaps and a political-economic imbalance, which facilitates the incubation of crisis. Crises management is significantly hampered by inherited mistrust between Latvia and Russia, and a particular challenge in this aspect is the lack of tact and political wisdom in treating significant Russian minority in Latvia. In building a system of crisis management, Bulgaria rather wanders in institutional and legislative terms, not successfully using the opportunity to learn from the mistakes made in responding to and managing crises. For a long time the country is trying to get rid of the Cold War paradigm and militarized structures of crisis management, but with an unclear vision of development and priorities, and no integrated approach to this problem. Attempts are being made to harmonize national legislation and establish specific procedures, mechanisms and optimum conditions for crisis response in line with European and international standards, but there is still duplication of tasks and functions between the different bodies and agencies, the system is in important respects obsolete and outdated, so that a multiple revision is needed in the light of new social, political and economic conditions. The problem is the constant lack of resources and funds of state institutions, which affects the structure of crisis management, as well as other government institutions, as well as the unclear relationship between civil servants and political decision makers.
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Islamic extremism and bilateral ties top the agenda as President Almazbek Atambaev meets his most important European partner.
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Since 2004, the UK has enjoyed a decade of experience in managing migration from EU8 countries. This time around, how well founded are the fears that 2014 will see another ‘flood’ of migrants, on par with levels experienced in 2004? This essay argues that EU2 migration, from Romania and Bulgaria, will not be a repeat of 2004. To begin, this paper will examine the reasons why there was a twenty-fold discrepancy between official estimates of expected migrants following the 2004 enlargement. Then, by using Poland as a case study of typical migration flows after the 2004 migration period, this paper will show that— contrary to predictions based on standard migration theory— mass migration outflows in 2004 is not a good predictor of events to come in 2014. Among other factors, given that those who wanted to migrate to the UK from Romania and Bulgaria already have migrated pre-accession and more countries opened their labour markets in 2014 than they did in 2004, the UK is not likely to see a mass influx of Romanian and Bulgarian migrants as it did with those of Polish origin in 2004. However, like Polish migration, Romanian and Bulgarian migration will tend to be more circular and ‘fluid’.
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Mit diesen erhabenen Worten beschreibt der Entwurf des Vertrages über eine Verfassung für Europa in seiner Präambel die wesentlichen Grundlagen, das Fundament der Gemeinschaft der Staaten und Völker, die sich in der Europäischen Union zusammenfinden, um ihre gemeinsame Zukunft auch gemeinsam zu gestalten. Mit ihnen verleiht der Entwurf den Zielen und Wertvorstellungen Ausdruck, die dem fortschreitenden Prozess der europäischen Integration und der Bildung einer politischen Union einen inneren Sinn und damit nachhaltige Stabilität verleihen sollen.
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Nasilje nije obilježje prvenstveno suvremenog društva. Povijest civilizacije je, naprotiv, povijest nasilja. I nije ono obilježilo samo jednu, nego gotovo pa sve sfere života ljudske vrste. Radi li se, pak, o suvremenom društvu, nasilje je jedna od njegovih bitnih sastavnica – u životu i mladih i starih, u sferi religijskoga i političkoga, ono je izraz i mržnje i ljubavi. Na izvjestan način, nasilje je danas steklo pravo građanstva kao stil života. Svih tih formi njegove manifestacije oslobođeno nije ni bosanskohercegovačko društvo – i kao tranzicijsko i kao postkonfliktno i kao društvo različitih etničkih i konfesionalnih zajednica. Predmet ovog rada je, međutim, nasilje koje je proizvod politike, govor mržnje prije svega, ali i teroristički akti koji su njihov izravan proizvod.
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Georgian breakaway territory has cut off nearly all links with Tbilisi.
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In this article, the author analyzes the development of the autonomy of Vojvodina after 1848, and points to a transformation of its fundamental characteristics in this period. Indeed, Vojvodina was created primarily as an aspiration of Serbs in Southern Hungary to establish their own autonomy. However, during the XX century, especially during World War II, the character of autonomy has changed from explicitly ethnic to multiethnic, until its suspension in 1988. The author, therefore, considers that this via facti abolition of Vojvodina’s autonomy was just one of the initial events related to the collapse of the complex Yugoslav federalism in the early 1990s. New political trends in Serbia after 2000 have also not contributed to changing this situation. Moreover, the author concludes that the otherwise collapsed autonomy of Vojvodina within the Republic of Serbia will continue to gradually disappear and that its civil and multiethnic identity will be marginalized again, including the cultural, historical, geographical and other unique characteristics of this part of the country.
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Kurdish genocide in Iraqi Kurdistan marked a turning point in Iraqi-Kurdish conflict which dates back to the beginning of the 20th century. Iraqi nationalist party, Al-Baas, which took over power in 1963 introduced a policy of repressions against Kurds and was successively displacing them from their indigenous areas to the territory inhabited by Arab population who was loyal to the government. Iraqi government was destroying and confiscating the property of the Kurdish minority on a massive and organized scale. It banned Kurds from staying in designated prohibited zones, and carried out massive scale ethnic cleansing. The number of Kurds who fell victim to the regime of Saddam Hussein is estimated at 182 thousand. Chemical attack in the town of Halabja killed over 5 thousand people and those who survived still feel the impact of this deadly attack. It was exactly Halabja chemical attack that led to the internalization of the Kurdish problem and finally to the emergence of an independent Kurdish autonomy protected by international forces under the auspices of the United Nations. Following the collapse of Iraqi regime in 2003, nearly all authors of the chemical attack and other crimes against Kurds were brought to court and sentenced.
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Two-Tailed Dog Party is among the few willing to challenge the status quo ahead of the referendum.
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The EU is focused on the pursuit of the objectives of economic, social and territorial cohesion. They are closely linked with sustainable growth, which is impossible without the development in these areas. The EU Roma strategy is strongly linked to the Europe 2020 strategy, aimed at cohesion objectives. The practical realization of pro-Roma strategy assumptions is entrusted to the Member States. In this regard, it comes to concretization of EU framework principles in accordance with their developmental orientation. However, taking into account the final stage of implementation of the EU, being the practical implementation of measures addressed to Roma, there is a problem with different systems of values. Objectives of the European Union are based primarily on the development and pursuit of growth. Roma culture-shaped by the need for survival – is associated with a value system which is based on the duration, permanence and strong intra-community ties. Assessing with this point of view pro-growth orientation of Roma policy, we should adopt other criteria than those resulting from the Europe 2020 strategy. However, even the Human Development Index is not possible to assess fully appropriate to the system of Roma culture. Therefore the most appropriate are the EU's pro-growth policy orientation evaluation criteria. The basis for this assessment are the assumptions set out in the EU Framework and the annual European Commission communication summarizing the progress made by Member States. On this basis, it can be stated that the EU Roma policy is focused on economic growth and social development.
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Četiri puta tjedno na stanici Anneessens ulazim u tramvaj 56 koji vrlo približno dolazi u 13.24, i odlazim obaviti kontrolu bolovanja na skveru Alberta I. Moji kolege, ovisnici o autima, nikad mi kad odlazim ne propuste drhtavim glasom reći ≫sretno!≪ i ≫samo hrabro!≪, kao da se uguravam u diližansu na teritoriju Apača koji se spremaju u rat. Istina je da, ukrcavši se u utrobi trga na kojem se svake večeri održava sajam homoseksualnog seksa, iz tunela izađem tek da bih prešao četvrt Cureghem, jednu od najzloglasnijih u prijestolnici, s reputacijom mjesta svakovrsnog šverca, istrgavanja torbica i car-jackinga.
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