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Six years of activity](/api/image/getissuecoverimage?id=picture_2018_43653.jpg)
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The Arab Spring in Libya took the form of a civil war, which led to the external military intervention and overthrowing the Muammar Qaddafi regime. Nearly seven years since the war broke out, the country has still remained in chaos. A lack of consensus regarding the form of political system and leadership in the country maintains the status quo and makes the current deadlock increasingly difficult to be broken. The article seeks to analyse the political landscape in Libya as well as the factors affecting the political impasse in the country, which, in the opinion of the author, comprised primarily of the coexistence of several power centres, ethnic conflicts, the activity of armed groups (militias) created both by military members and Islamists, and the weakness as well as the lack of unity in making a compromise on Libya among external actors, including the UN.
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Nebojša Popov, Sarajevo obnavlja život Nebojša Popov, Bdenje kraj ponora Mirko Tepavac, Buđenje iz bunila IZJAVA Aleksandar Nenadović, Sjaj i beda manjeg zla Od Madone do Maradone "Strah me hvata od budućnosti" Nebojša Spaić, Praktičari postmoderne Svetlana Slapšak, Uvažavanje drugog kao brana fašizmu Milan Podunavac, Potrošnja gotovih političkih formula Vojin Dimitrijević, Logika utakmice u rodoljublju Aleksandra Pošarac, Režim je, hvala na pitanju, dobro Umesto za najbolja rešenja — jedni protiv drugih Vlastimir Stevanović, Alarmantno zveckanje zlatnicima Rade Veljanovski, Sve laži "organske istine" Olga Perazić Ivan Ivić, Dramatična neupotreba obrazovanih Miloš Nikolić, Slobodan inić, Susret demokratske levice Ivan Torov, Leva skretanja udesno Dubravka Stojanović, Iskušavanje načela Sednica Saveta "Republike" Odgovor Dušanu Županu glavnom i odgovornom uredniku "Tanjuga" Miodrag Stanisavljević, Mahovina mahnitosti
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The Bujan Conference (December 31, 1943 - January 2, 1944) is the most important moment for Kosova Albanians during the Anti-Fascist Liberation War. The Bujan Conference is a concrete undertaking by the Albanians to realize the right of national unification. In the Resolution of the Conference, the Kosova issue was treated as a problem closely related to its national structure and as a matter of national self-determination. The universal proclamation of the national structure of the Kosova population as a territory inhabited by the Albanian majority and the desire of the Albanians in those lands to unite with Albania as a result of the war against the occupier and the implementation of universal principles of self-determination until disengagement. The only way for the Albanian people of Kosova to be united with Albania is the common war with other nations of Yugoslavia against the Nazi occupation. The guarantee for this is NLA of Yugoslavia and NLA of Albania, for this garantee allies such as the Soviet Union, England and America (Atlantic Charter, Moscow and Tehran Conference). The ultimate attitude of the YCP to the Bujan Conference was expressed through the decisions of the Second NAFC Assembly. At this meeting Albanians were not called, and not only were denied the right to self-determination until their own future was disrupted, but also Kosova was denied equality with other parts of Yugoslavia. In this way, the principles of cooperation for the common struggle were violated.
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The paper is devoted to the analysis of different faiths in Iran and to the official national policy. These problems are extremely important for Iran, because religious controversies are associated with national and religious contradictions there. We believe that the official national and religious policy has an impact on Iran’s policy in the region where “separated peoples” live along the borders of the country. The statistical demographic data and economic potential of the region have been analyzed, and it has been revealed that the most economically backward provinces are inhabited by ethnic minorities. These provinces are the main hotbeds of socio-political instability and separatists movements. The Islamic leadership policy in recent years, which has been focused on maintaining the living standards in the backward provinces attracting budgetary and Islamic funds, has been considered. It has been concluded that geopolitical factors and the influence of the “third forces” are responsible for the strengthening of instability in the region and for fanning Sunni-Shia antagonism. Their role is much more important than the existing religious controversies. The main aim for the Iranian leadership is to preserve the national integrity of the country, to fight against separatist movements and to prevent attempts to create the “Greater Middle East”. The official national and religious policy is in line with these aims.
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In the paper, the author describes political and ethnic similarities and differences between the Czech and Slovene lands in the Habshurg monarchy in the early 1890's. He concludes that the Czech-German and the Slovene-German relations in these lands were fatally overloaded with a reciprocal sense of threat and ethnic disregard. Such interethnic conditions inevitably became a breeding ground for recurrent conflicts, aggravating the existing political situation and obscuring the diametric differences between the Slovene support for natural law and the Czech support for stale law.
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The life and work of Henrik Tuma in the region of Trieste and Gorizia falls into the period when the Slovene nation was becoming a subject in the Austria policy in order to be able to get actively involved in the events of the time it had to establish structures which other nations already possessed and from which they drawing they were drawing strength. The activity of Henrik Tuma in the founding and management of co-operatives, savings-banks and loan societies, educational and other institutions did not stem from his hostility towards Italians but from the belief that at that particular historical moment, it was no longer possible for hat, at that particular historical moment, it was no longer possible for the Slovene nation to be restricted to subjection only. Tuma was deeply aware of the significance Trieste held for the Slovene hinterland, as well as of the significance of the latter for it He was for coexistance of both nations, for the contest of cultures, but not for struggle.
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From 1945 onwards Macedonian Turks have established many Non-Governmental Organisations (NGOs) in order to preserve their culture and mother tounge as well as to transfer them to the next generations. However this research work primarily will be focussed on those NGOs which are registered by the umbrella organisation of the so-called MATÜSİTEB. These organisations have been analysed by focussing on their role in teaching Turkish language in the post-independence era. Those NGOs which do not registered as a member in the MATÜSİTEB, has been included to this research work so far as they contributed to teach Turkish language. Although the number of Turkish NGOs in the 1990s steadily increased, their quality remained however not so high as expected. This article attemptes to offer an answer to the question how far do contribute the Turkish NGOs to preserve Turkish culture and to give an impulse to teaching of Turkish language. The Data which are used in this article were collected through the fieldwork in Macedonia by conducting interviews with the represants of the Turkish NGOs in the following time period: From 10 to 14 Mai 2016 and from 25 to 29 September 2018.
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After the creation of the Independent State of Croatia ustasha authorities, in their efforts to create ethnically and religiously pure state, began to implement a genocidal policy against the Serbs, Jews and Gypsies. As a result of such a policy the number of victims is counted in the hundreds of thousands. The Catholic Church and most of the clergy accepted, supported and justified the actions of government, and often participated in them. The issue of the legitimate position of the Serbs in the Independent State of Croatia represented a taboo issue for a long time after the World War II. Its outcome is the fact that the number af the actual victims of clero-ustasha politics is still manipulated with. That politics of hatred has brought about such a situation that the Serbs have become and remained a minority in Croatia, until today. Ustasha government managed to perform onto the Serbs and the Orthodox religion, something that not even centuries of Turkish rule in this region had accomplished. The question is, why and where does such hatred towards one nation originate from? We are bound to search for an answer to that question by our ancestors, innocent victims. This paper is just one small effort to ensure that this issue does not remain forgotten. Nobody at any time must forget what had happened, not only to the Serbs, but to the Jews and the Gypsies as well, on the territory of the Independent State of Croatia during its existence. It should be publicly discussed and written about, not to accuse anybody, but to prevent anything similar from happening ever again.
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This paper is an attempt to display the ways in which the construction of the perception of the world as an unsafe place in which strange people with whom we share the same time and space context want to harm us actually suggests a relationship of distrust towards the world and offer the fear of strangers and the fear of trust as the only solution to the danger. The 2008 movie Taken is an excellent example for an analysis like this, and the paper considers the communicated message of the "right" perception of fear which is the basis for tackling the issue of the shared responsibility for the tragedy between strangers and victims.
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The paper presents the main ideas expressed by the author at two international conferences: “The Multi-Polar World XXI. The search for balance” (Nur-Sultan, Kazakhstan, held on 25-26 April 2019) and “Interconnectivity in Central Asia: Challenges and new Opportunities” (Tashkent, Uzbekistan, held on 19-20 February 2019), and deals with the issues of the necessity of dialogue and mutual understanding between different civilizational layers in national States and in inter-State relations. The proposed material on the topic of how different States manage the problem of inter-civilizational and intra-civilizational conflicts is based upon historical legacy and contemporary events and trends. After presenting the concise theoretical and conceptual foundations of what constitutes major conflict configurations in modern State, the issue of the different paths to managing conflict is given. Two countries are examined, Ukraine and Uzbekistan, the results indicate the need for social and political diversity as a mechanism for dampening conflict, rather than trying to enforce homogeneity.
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This article focusses on common contemporary associations of itinerant trades with ‘Gypsyness’and the consequent relationship between adopting anti-Gypsy measures and state intentions to regulate the profession of itinerant trades. By analysing the intended bill on itinerant trades, this article shows how administrative police terms such as ‘Gypsies’ and ‘workshies’ were intertwined. It further argues that limiting space for mobile, self-employed economic activities went hand in hand with legalising the status of second-class citizens in1927 when a new law On Wandering Gypsies was passed by the Czechoslovak Parliament.The article also analyses the agency of one particular itinerant traders’ association called Kotva (Anchor) and pays attention to the traders’ manifold defensive strategies. Because of their close contacts with Roma and Sinti (with whom they shared social and economic spaces)the traders sought to set themselves apart from Gypsies and to present themselves as ‘decentcitizens’, in other words part of the Czechoslovak nation. In their successful effort to shield themselves from being included in the new police register of ‘wandering Gypsies’, they reproduced and amplified the state aim to eliminate ‘work-shies’ among itinerant traders.The article thus deals with the process of racialization of the category of ‘Gypsies’ in interwar Czechoslovakia, with racialization here being presented as an intricate historical process which was influenced even by non-state historical actors.
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Regional highlights: Chechen leader takes sick leave; Khadija Ismayilova;Israel criticizes Ukraine; Kosovo and the Islamic State; and human rightsin Transdniester.
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The focus of this paper is the image of the dark-province of BiH, created and disseminated perception of the aforementioned republic, which emerged in the Belgrade publishing and newspapers industry in the early 1980s. Ideological syntagm of the dark-province of BiH implies a “criticism” and a negative stance towards the socio-political reality and conditions in that republic at that time. The paper points to the main propagators of the syntagma and explains their driving motive, placing their activism in the context of broader socio-political environments and movements on the ideological scene of socialist Yugoslavia then. Through an analysis of the narratives used to build this image, the means and methods employed by the proponents of this perception, their ethical and scientific approach in processing facts and presenting BiH reality, the paper points to the main structure theories used to construct the image of dark-province of BiH.
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The post-conflict societies of Bosnia and Kosovo continue to be plagued by the deleterious effects of ethno-nationalism and ethnic enclaves. Unfortunately, this mix impedes both democracy and peace building within these Balkan countries. One way to promote such building is for these enclaves to collapse, thereby allowing multiethnic societies to develop. This essay proposes that enclaves be dealt with physically by ridding them of those evocative objects that help to create and maintain enclaves. By getting physical in this way, however, we find ourselves in a dilemma, caught on the horns of legality and expediency. Yet there is a promising path between the horns that involves civic design. This essay offers a physicalist theory of managing these impediments to democracy and peace building, beginning with four hypotheses, followed by an abstraction and mathematization in the form of a matrix, a dilemma arising from
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Headlines from around the region: unrest in Abkhazia; Russian plagiarists; wooden Trump torched in Slovenia; a movie joke that’s on Turkmenistan; and Mongolian finances.
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With the likely formation of a new coalition in Kosovo in December 2019, many changes are emerging for the youngest state in Europe. Those parties that emerged from the Kosovo Liberation Army (UÇK) will no longer be in power and President Hashim Thaçi can’t expect any support from the new government. For Vetëvendosje (VV) the reform of the judiciary and the fight against endemic corruption is a first priority order. VV is supported by many young Kosovars who are looking for a systemic change in their country and have lost trust in the old elites. The prospective coalition partner of VV, the Democratic League of Kosovo (LDK), second winner of the snap elections on 6 October 2019, will focus on innovations in the education system, support for families and the fight against poverty. Entering the dialogue with Serbia at the beginning of 2020, the new government in Kosovo will stick to the old red lines and it will be very difficult to find any agreement that facilitates a recognition of Kosovo by Serbia. VV President Albin Kurti already excluded any change of borders or a land swap while Serbia’s President Aleksandar Vučić is excluding any solution without changing borders so far. With the first government participation of VV it becomes visible that the influence of the United States on Kosovo’s internal politics has decreased.
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Headlines from around the region: a young man on the rise; Hungarian public opinion; Air Serbia; a Russian banker’s fall from grace; and more charges for Bulgarian billionaire.
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The holders of political functions that affirm and implement, from the perspective of contemporary European values and flows, socially unacceptable ideas, the alleged factual and social justification of ideologies, i.e. their own legitimacy, draw from affirmative speeches and confirm the correctness of the established theses from supposed academic authorities. The purpose of this paper is to analyze the data that the supposed authorities in the areas of political systems and social development construct as reality or as valid arguments, and their deconstruction through a comparative analysis of the statements made in relation to empirically verifiable facts and the internationally recognized certified experts from relevant authorities
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