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Undeclared work, being one of the main manifestations of hidden economy, becomes the bull’s-eye for many countries focusing on reshaping their social and economic policies in order to tackle this issue, especially since the onset of the economic crisis that hit Europe and the World in 2008. The most recent economic indicators coming from Europe show that this crisis has not concluded and European economies are yet to deal with its mid and long-term consequences. Macedonia and other Western Balkan countries are not exempt from this process, with job creation and policies targeting unemployment (28.2% as of Q2 2014) being a major concern and a focal point of political activity. Low growth prospects in the EU and sluggish economic conditions forecasted in 2014 are also limiting Macedonia’s growth prospects, which at this point are still positive at around 4% GDP growth annually (4.3% as of Q2 2014). In the following period, economic growth will dictate the unemployment rate while regulatory reforms targeted at labor policy, taxation, and inspections will dictate the extent of undeclared economy and, consequently, the risk of poverty and social exclusion that undeclared workers will be subjected to.
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The EU’s capacity for a legitimate, coherent and migrants’ rights compliant policy on labour immigration is now more than ever at a test in light of the political priorities set in the EU’s 2020 Strategy and the effects of the revolutions and war in North African states during the last four months. This Policy Brief examines the incoherencies characterising the current generation of EU’s labour immigration policies and the challenges towards ensuring a global rights-based approach to migration.
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As the euro crisis continues andunemployment climbs to new heights,the clamour calling for Europe to ‘do something’ is getting louder. But the real questionis: can Europe, or rather the EU, do ‘something’ that would actually have a real impact on unemployment? In other words, does a European plan or employment strategy make sense?
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Against the background of demographic decline and growing economic competitiveness from emerging economies, this Policy Brief looks into the potential benefits of increased intra-EU labour mobility. On the basis of an examination of the ‘German case’ on EU labour mobility. It proposes ideas on how to better foster a European fair deal on talent, one that would benefit the EU as a whole. It concludes with a proposal on how to increase the potential benefits of the freedom of movement.
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Among Europeans who are skeptical of Turkish membership of the European Union, it is common to hear the view that Turkey has two souls, only one of which is Western. They contrast the cosmopolitan outlook of Istanbul with the vast Turkish interior, which is seen as backward, impoverished and ‘non-European’ in its values. This report explores these social and economic changes in the Central Anatolian province of Kayseri, home to one million people. It presents detailed case studies of a number of strategic sectors: the emergence of Kayseri as Turkey’s leading cluster of furniture manufacturers; the rise of Orta Anadolu, producing one percent of the world’s denim; and the success of the Kayseri sugar refinery and its impact on local agriculture. These case studies illustrate how industrial capitalism emerged from a predominantly rural and merchant society within a single generation. They also demonstrate how policy failures by successive governments caused the 1990s to be a ‘lost decade’, and how the economic crisis of 2000/01 and the structural reforms which followed it have marked a decisive turning point for the Turkish economy. The report also explores how over the past decade individualistic, pro-business currents have become prominent within Turkish Islam. It looks closer at Kayseri’s most successful small town, the industrial district of Hacilar, whose 20,000 inhabitants have given birth to 9 out of Turkey’s top 500 companies. It finally examines the position of women in this evolving Anatolian society, and why this could prove to be the Achilles heel of continued rapid development.
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The United Nations Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK) has made itself responsible as trustee and administrator for a vast amount of state and socially owned property across Kosovo, including some 370 socially owned enterprises (SOEs). However, over the past three years, it has lacked the institutional resources to establish an effective property regime. As a result, control over some of Kosovo’s most valuable economic assets is being determined outside the legal system, in countless individual power struggles across Kosovo. The results have been harmful both to economic development, social and political stability and the establishment of the rule of law. || This report analyses different strategies employed by UNMIK to fulfil its responsibility as trustee of social property, including direct administration of SOEs, the restoration of Yugoslav workplace democracy (‘self-management’) under the 1988 Law on Enterprises, and granting concessions over SOEs to private investors (‘commercialisation’). It concludes that these efforts have done little to curb the confusion over commercial property or to promote an environment more conducive for private sector growth.
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On 7 February 2014 violence broke out in Tuzla, the regional capital of Tuzla Canton in Northern Bosnia. War veterans, unemployed youth and football supporters of the local club took to the streets. The core group of protestors were former workers in socially owned enterprises who had been demonstrating to save their companies for more than a decade. Demonstrators entered the cantonal government building and set it on fire. The same day violent clashes spread to other Bosnian cities, Zenica, Sarajevo, Mostar and Bihac. Three more cantonal buildings and the state archive in Sarajevo all went up in flames. Already on 7 February Tuzla protestors published a declaration that stated that “Today in Tuzla a new future is being created.” (a Bosnian writer)
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The output of the Association Agreements will always be low if political corruption is not overcome, while the electoral cycles do not yield parliamentary majorities and upright governments. It is essential for the reform process to be directed by those who aim not to obtain personal benefits, but to modernize the country and to bring this closer to the EU’s positive standards. // Both the EU and Russia have incentives and constraints that can influence the direction of the Association Agreements. Even if the European factor is beneficial to the reform process, this necessitates recalibration and uniformity in addressing similar problems in the three countries, like the oligarchic regimes and others. The Russian factor is disinterested in the functionality of the Association Agreements, but does not perceive these as a major danger as it sees how challenging, hesitating and dependent on the yet corrupt human factor the reforms are. // Internal players that do not take part in governance in Moldova, Ukraine and Georgia can guarantee a better implementation of the Agreements, but they necessitate protection and assistance from the European institutions. Without a robust civil society, independent mass media and free political opposition, the future of the Association Agreements is rather nebulous.
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Legislative changes coupled with the economic crisis have made collective bargaining for unions at the unit level much more difficult. The number of collective agreements decreased by 25% between 2008 and 2013, but collective bargaining has generally survived in large organizations. The degree of change in terms and conditions of employment after 2011 in the industrial sector depends on three factors: (a) the attitude of the employer (and top management) towards employees and their representatives; (b) the local labor market; and (c) the ability to mobilize the union in the company.
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According to the last Romanin census in 2011, the persons aged 65 and over represent 16.1% of total population. A Presidential Committee report es¬timates that the five million persons aged 65 and over will represent, at the middle of the century, 30% of the country’s population, i.e. third times more than in the early 1990s (Presidential Admin-istration, 2009). // Aging is usually associated with a decline in activity or with entering inactivity, with higher depen-dency on healthcare and social services and often with a more precarious economic situation. This has economic implications, as well as an impact on the organization and functioning of society. // This paper is intended as a brief overview of the situation of older persons in Romania. The follow¬ing analysis will focus on the economic and social inclusion status of older persons, as well as on the access of the elderly to the labor market.
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Although the macroeconomic indicators point to a solid economic recovery in 2015, the social situation in Romania is not marked by considerable improvement. Despite the country’s high economic growth, the Government’s recent announcement of freezing the minimum wage in 2016 seems to have put an end to a five-year period of regular augmentation of the minimum wage. Inequality has increased while the unemployment rate and the percentage of people at risk of poverty declined insignificantly. // Albeit, some efforts have been made to improve social dialogue and labour legislation even though few actual changes have occurred in the area. The Social Dialogue law was amended in December 2015, bringing some changes to the Social Dialogue Act (62/2011) that en-larges trade union powers in the collective bargaining process. The draft law amending the Labour Code, which was the result of a legislative initiative carried on by the National Trade Union Block, one of the biggest Romanian umbrella organisations, is being debated in the Parliament.
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Dok jedan moj prijatelj nije pokrenuo to pitanje, nisam mnogo razmišljao o razlikama u procentu vakcinisanog stanovništva u bogatim i siromašnim zemljama. Moja oblast istraživanja je globalna nejednakost. Upućen sam u činjenice ogromnog jaza u dohotku po glavi stanovnika između bogatih i siromašnih zemalja, kao i velikog jaza u emisijama ugljenika, pa nisam bio iznenađen ni razlikom u broju vakcinisanih i nisam na to obraćao posebnu pažnju.
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Brojke su dodir sa stvarnošću. 50 umrlih dnevno u Srbiji je kao 1.000 u Rusiji ili 2.500 u Americi. Šest hiljada dnevno obolelih u Srbiji je kao 120.000 u Rusiji i oko 300.000 u Americi. Tačan broj umrlih od epidemije u Srbiji je znatno veći – do 4 puta veći od onoga koji se svakodnevno objavljuje. Ali zato, kaže se, napreduje proizvodnja. Stoga ima smisla zapitati se:…
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Pre izbijanja pandemije Covida-19 jedna druga epidemija je već harala Sjedinjenim Državama. Samo u 2018. odnela je više američkih života nego što je to dosad učinio korona virus. „Smrt izočaja“ – samoubistvo, oboljenja jetre povezana sa alkoholom, predoziranje opijatima – u konstantnom je porastu od polovine 90-ih godina 20. veka. Od 65.000 slučajeva godišnje, koliko ih je bilo 1995, stigli smo do celih 158.000 u 2018.
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Ljudska bića koja rade nisu samo „resurs“. To otkriće je jedna odvažnih lekcija krize kroz koju prolazimo. Nega bolesnih; isporuke hrane, lekova i drugih neophodnih potrepština; odnošenje smeća; popunjavanje polica i rad za kasom u supermarketima – to su poslovi koji su nam omogućili da nastavimo da živimo i za vreme pandemije – a radnici koji su ih obavljali pokazali su da rad nije roba kao svaka druga. Zdravlje ljudi i nega najugroženijih ne mogu se prepuštati delovanju samo tržišnih zakona. Ako dopustimo da u takvim oblastima vladaju isključivo tržišni mehanizmi, rizikujemo dalji rast nejednakosti do tačke u kojoj će ona direktno ugroziti živote pripadnika najosetljivijih populacija.
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Koja ste kategorija – tajkun ili plaćenik? Jer, ako se prijavite za pare, vi ste plaćenik. Dobro, plaćenik i paćenik kome je stalo do tričavih sto evra kojih se predsednik države, budući i sam „samo običan čovek“ samopregorno odrekao a zarad dobrobiti Srbije kojoj je u ovom momentu preko potrebno tih impozantnih sto evra.
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Epidemijska kriza je mnogo jednostavnija od finansijske, kako za razumevanje tako i za upravljanje. Zašto se onda greši? Uzmimo primer koji je, pretpostavljam, svima poznat. Čovek koji oboli od gripa ne odleži, recimo, tri dana već reši da bolest preleži na nogama, pa boluje više nedelja i rizikuje dugoročne zdravstvene posledice. Moguće je da ne može da odleži jer nema stalno zaposlenje i stoga naknadu za bolovanje ili ne želi da mu izmakne neka dobit (ne mora da bude novčana).
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U tjednu kada su u Hrvatskoj bilježeni rekordni brojevi zaraženih koronavirusom, ugledni ekonomski analitičar u uglednome dnevnom listu energično se založio protiv mogućega lockdowna i radikalnih epidemioloških mjera. Prilično nepotrebno, doduše, jer je jasno da o drastičnim protuzaraznim mjerama i zatvaranjima više nitko i ne razmišlja; baš naprotiv, vodeće figure političkomedicinske vlasti iz dana u dan neuvijeno ponavljaju da operacije slične onima iz proljeća više ne dolaze u obzir.
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