Między panrumunizmem a niezależnością – narodziny Republiki Mołdawii
Interesting description of the differences between Moldova and Romania
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Interesting description of the differences between Moldova and Romania
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We believe that at the present time, the dimensions of existing crises and those expected to unfold are multiple and generate unprecedented changes at the global level. On the other hand, current and future crises are unfolding and will unfold in the context of significant technical and technological differences, often taking on an asymmetric character. In this article we aim to examine some aspects of conceptual developments in post-conflict operations based on the current reality demonstrated by accumulated experience, that all military conflicts are unique in their own way, and that post-conflict rehabilitation and reconstruction is conditioned both by the level of involvement of the international community, the degree of military involvement of various international actors, and the existence of various sources of global instability
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The military invasion of Ukraine by the Russian Federation turned into Europe's most prominent military conflict since World War II, severely modifying the economic and financial relations between the European Union (EU) and the Russian Federation. Since the beginning of the Russian aggression, the EU has imposed a large number of sanctions against the Russian Federation, which aimed at limiting Russian resources to finance the war and restricting its access to European financial markets. In this context, the paper aims to investigate the impact of the EU sanctions on the Russian financial system by assessing the banking system’s resilience to imposed restrictions. The findings highlight that, in the initial phase, the Russian financial system has been significantly disrupted by the EU sanctions, facing a collapse of the rouble, the most significant drop in the history of Moscow's stock market, a banking liquidity crisis, but also a contraction in lending and in the interest rate spread. In a later phase, due to large scale countermeasures taken by the Russian authorities and the Bank of Russia, it has been stabilized, reflecting its high level of resilience to risks.
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The Open Balkan initiative has been partially supported by the leadership of the Western Balkans. If years ago it seemed a political whim, currently it constitutes a highly conditional factor from a two-level perspective: firstly, in the bilateral relations between the Balkan countries and, secondly, in relation to the Euro-Atlantic orientation of these countries for which the EU foreign policy had implemented the Berlin Process since2014. In fact, the two processes have key differences, since for the Open Balkan initiative the priority interest resides in economic cooperation, while the Berlin process seeks to resolve, before their accession to the EU, many divergences of the Western Balkan countries, issues of a more complex nature than that of economic and cross-border cooperation. The Balkans are a region of turmoil where two world wars started, which left us with indelible memories of human suffering. The initiative has remained a Balkans’ troika due to its lack of support at the national level and beyond. The analysis based on a mixed-methods’ approach, seeks to highlight which of these two processes, that of the Balkans leadership or that of the European politics, is the most suitable for a comprehensive integration, without inter-ethnic conflicts and the mutual influence of the economic expansion.
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Major state actors are in a constant race for supremacy in different environments, which offers new perspectives on international relations and also changes the old world order by reversing roles in the global ranking of political and military importance. Massive investments are also being made to modernise militaries, resulting in changes in international strategic importance. Security is the most important factor for a state, and to this end consistent measures are taken to ensure optimal conditions for the way of life of the population. Of course, this cannot be achieved individually by each state, but it is the de novo task of achieving close links across state borders in order to achieve the goals of security and stability. The Second World War led to the creation of two of the world's most important organisations, the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation and the United Nations, but the current international situation has led to the formation of new alliances, including the AUKUS (Australia-United Kingdom-United States of America) tri-partite that has emerged in response to the rapid development of technology and changes in economic and military power centres. The world seems to be undergoing geopolitical, geostrategic and economic change more rapidly than at any time since the Cold War, which is why the vigilance of international organizations, whose objectives are world peace and security, must be at its highest in order to keep pace with these rapid developments, which seem to generate a climate of unpredictability.
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NATO, which has been developing its professional agenda since its establishment, is one of the organizations that have survived and preserved its effectiveness since the Cold War. The emergence of this study is about questioning the place of political stability of central countries such as the USA in the continuity of NATO. The method of the study is based on evaluating the NATO states within the scope of the Fragile State Index and The Worldwide Governance Indicators with panel data analysis. From an interdisciplinary perspective, an analytical context has been created. When the political activities of the countries that contribute to the continuity of NATO are examined, it is concluded that many countries, especially the USA, are behind compared to other members and that the northern countries are relatively more effective.
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12 грудня 2022 року на Кафедрі Україністики Варшавського університету відбулася IV Міжнародна наукова конференція з циклу „Filozofia bycia i przetrwania w ego-dokumentach pisarzy, malarzy i filmowców ukraińskich (od czasów Orlika do współczesnych)” / „Філософія буття в его-документах українських письменників, художників та кінематографістів (від часів Пилипа Орлика до сучасності)”. Документалістика, закріплена в егoдокументах, відтворює історичну достовірність і хронологію подій, віддзеркалює ментальні константи української свідомості крізь призму часу та особистих документів багатьох авторів, що стали об’єктом наукового аналізу учасників конференції. Представники наукової еліти Польщі та України зустрілися онлайн, аби проаналізувати пекельний досвід минулих воєн та провести паралелі з нинішніми болісними реаліями.
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The subject of this study is to show the growing importance of space in the economic context. The article is an attempt to answer the question of whether China has a chance to win the race for economic dominance in space in the coming years. The method used in the article is descriptive and explanatory research and primarily cause-and-effect analysis. The thesis derived from the aim of the research is that space has become a critical area of economic competition between China and the United States. Although it was only in 2013 that China managed to do what the US did 50 years earlier, the Chinese space program clearly has accelerated in the 2020s. By 2030, China plans to establish a research station on the moon, because the helium-3 found on its surface, as a safe, efficient source of energy, could revolutionize the energy industry on Earth.
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This paper contains following book review: Fischer, Paul. Kim Čong-il uvádí: pravdivý příběh o uneseném filmaři, jeho dvorní herečce a o cestě mladého diktátora k moci. Překlad Petr Horák. Vydání první. Praha: Argo, 2015. 380 stran, 8 stran nečíslovaných obrazových příloh. ISBN 978-80-257-1583-3.
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Review of: Maria Gołda-Sobczak, Krym jako przedmiot sporu ukraińsko-rosyjskiego, Wydawnictwo Naukowe Silva Rerum, Poznań 2016, ss. 378
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The intensification of cross-border interactions, the progress achieved in the process of European integration and the expansion of the EU to the east raises the issue of cross-border cooperation in a political-geopolitical context. The issue of cross-border cooperation in general goes beyond geographical, economic and legal approaches. If we intend to treat the phenomenon from a specific point of view, we will find ambiguities and uncertainties regarding the role and functioning of some institutions in the process of cross-border cooperation and partnerships. Therefore, the full analysis of the cross-border cooperation process cannot be done only if we also evaluate the effects produced by the institutions in the local governance sector and their political dimension. The principle of partnership applied in Cohesion policy, offered the opportunity to the participants in the cooperation process to weaken the traditional relations between the actors. Certain actors, who are legally subordinated in the programming phase, become partners in the implementation phase. The process of cross-border cooperation, beyond the general cohesion policy, not only reshapes the legal-administrative relations in a certain national state and especially at local level, but also manages to transpose it on a cross-border basis. The study aims to realize an inventory of the contributions and achievements of some institutions from the local governance apparatus in Bihor County in the process of cross-border cooperation in the development period 2014-2020.
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The chosen theme "The Dacia car and Charles de Gaulle, between three conflicts" is a unique approach to the political context in which the promoter of the appearance of this car in Romania, French President Charles de Gaulle was unable to be present at the foundation stone of the plant in Colibaşi in June 1967 and at its inauguration in August 1968, between these moments being that of his visit to Romania. The purpose of the paper aims to present the events that directly and indirectly influenced the history of the Romanian car, their intrinsic importance and their significance. The development of the Romanian car manufacturing industry has begun a new stage with the signing in Bucharest, on September 6, 1966, of the agreement on collaboration with the French company "Renault", in order to manufacture under license in Romania two car models: R8- Dacia 1100, starting with August 1968 and R12-Dacia 1300, a year later, same month. Thus, on February 15, 1967, members of the Permanent Presidium of the C.C. to the P.C.R. approved “the invitation to R.S. Romania, for a visit, of the President of the French Republic, Charles de Gaulle”. From such a perspective, the Six-Day War between June 5 and 10, 1967, countermanded at the last moment the arrival of the French head of state in Romania, so that the social unrest in Paris in 1968 would determine a presence only in May, and that shortened by one day. On August 20, the Dacia plant was inaugurated without de Gaulle who was in Paris where tensions had eased, but in the presence of Nicolae Ceausescu, who could not fully enjoy the moment after founding that on the night of the 21st, the USSR invaded Czechoslovakia. The research of the aspects was carried out at the Archives of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the National Archives of Romania. In conclusion, the paper aims to complete the plethora of scientific research on Charles de Gaulle, known as “Colonel Motor” in the Second World War, who proved to be the one who brought the first car engine in Romania, an approach that I consider mandatory in the complex analysis of the sequence of historical events.
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The issue of non-sovereign areas is becoming increasingly crucial due to the dynamics of the following processes. Brexit will undoubtedly affect not only Great Britain but also dependent territories that are re-lated to this country. An example of such a territory is Alderney, which is currently facing many problems. It is difficult today to indicate what effects the British decision will cause for this small territory, but it is no secret that this dependent territory has to initiate many reforms. The original system of exercising power in connection with an unclear status in the international arena is nowadays ballast. Alderney may in the future become a model for other non-sovereign areas that want to keep their separateness in today’s world.
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The article analyzes micro nations as a new idea of establishing one’s own country. Even if micro nations are small and irrelevant, they are an interesting example of how people want to create their own environment. Some projects were established as a joke or for financial profit; others have the ambition of becoming an internationally recognized country. The article presents the story of three different micro nations; Liberland, Imperial Throne, and the Free City of Christiania. All of them represent different approaches for self-gov-ernance and ideology (libertarianism, monarchism and anarchism). The article also considers definitions of micro nations and tries to match them with existing definitions of political units.
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The article is the result of research into the history of Polish-Spanish relations at the time of the rapid transformations that both monarchies experienced at the end of the modern era. Its purpose is to provide an insight into one of the constitutional proceedings in the face of the threat of Napoleon’s invasion of Spain. In the drafts of the reform created at that time, we find threads that show the interest in the system of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth and the desire to implement its elements in the new Spanish political system. The author analyses the references to the Polish legal and political tradition that appeared in the two drafts of the reform of the Spanish political system in 1809.
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In the last decades of the nineteenth century, the Piast epoch of Polish history began to arouse growing interest among Polish historians. A significant impetus for the intensified research into medieval history was given by the works of Stanisław Smolka (1854–1924), published from the late 1870s onwards. In 1916, Oswald Balzer (1854–1933), a professor at the University of Lviv, formu- lated the concept of the ‘old’ – Gniezno, and ‘new’ – Kraków Piast states, pointing out the differences in their geopolitical location. In 1925, Jagiellonian University professor Władysław Semkowicz (1878–1949), drawing on the research of two professors of Lwów University – Eugeniusz Romer (1871–1954), a geographer, and Kazimierz Nitsch, a Slavist and dialectologist, formulated the con- cept of the Poland of the first Piasts as a physiographic whole, a state of two Baltic rivers, the Vistula and the Oder, and an internally coherent state, uniting tribes belonging to one linguistic group – the Lechitic one. In the 1930s, a professor at Poznań University, which in the Second Polish Republic became a centre of research into the origins of the Polish State, used the results of the researchers mentioned above to propose a comprehensive concept explaining the geopolitical conditions deter- mining the identity and potential of the Piast State during the period when Gniezno was its capital. This concept is referred to as the concept of ‘Piast Poland’.
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The South East of Nigeria has been plagued with skirmishes of neo-civil war between the people of the region and the government. The “new war” in the Southeast is softly prosecuted as a “siege” which is meant to achieve two basic objectives: genocide and economic asphyxiation; typical of what was obtained in the civil war era. Rooted in the sheer perceived malignment of the region mostly populated by the Ibos, the activities of the security forces set up to execute the objectives have been met with stiff resistance from the people through various groups including the Independent People of Biafra (IPOB) in a struggle for survival. The paper adopts a qualitative approach that draws data from secondary sources such as textbooks, peer-reviewed journal articles, newspapers and internet sources. It is concluded that prolonged injustice and marginalization occasioned separatist movements and fuel insecurity in South East Nigeria. The paper recommends the re-integration of the people into governance to combat alienation and exclusion. Government should also promote the de-sieging of the region and convoke a Sovereign National Conference that will involve critical stakeholders in the country to restore peace, engender social change and promote development in the region.
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This article aims to contribute to the debate area, concerning the dilemma on the impact of political humor on individuals and masses, especially in the context of the development of social networking. Thus, one of the researchers’ concerns in the last years aims the question: Is humor a political agent of influence or does it remain only a barometer for the political act and communication? If at the beginning of the development of mass communication tools, perhaps we could still talk about humor as a barometer, today, however, as a result of the development of social networking, the impact of humor on an individual or group of individuals, can be similar to public opprobrium or can lead, as we will see, from some studies, to voting intention changes. However, there are still opponents of the theory that humor, which wraps serious information, determines decisive, serious actions of individuals exposed to such products, and we will see how justified they are. And yet the empirical world shows us that political humor in social media can destroy an initiative or catalyze it in a positive way. Just as political humor can destroy a political career. In the political marketing industry, „humanizing” humor is also an extremely important element, and we will talk about it in connection with the three in-depth interviews we conducted with top Romanian and foreign consultants with respect to these aspects. Though, to demonstrate this, a more extensive process is necessary. In war situations, for example, humor becomes a „weapon” or a „shield” for the population or for the military. And we will see examples in this regard. The current academic world is also leaning on these areas and this is why we have chosen to document as many examples of studies as possible that can lead to the validation of the initial premise. What we know so far is that some researchers intend to reduce political humor to only aggressive and self-deprecating types of humor (Becker 2012 p.721-812). Insufficient approach from our point of view, today, in full expansion of the digital era, in full growth of the ways of direct and mutual influence of individuals. In the political world, of course, aggressive, deprecating humor is in great demand, but „humanizing” humor seems even more important, and there are also studies in this regard showing us that it has an impact.
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Over time, China has emerged as one of the leading economic partners in Central Asia. After the disintegration of the USSR, China spread its influence and replenished the power vacuum left. The five Central Asian states embraced a partnership with the Belt and Road Initiative. Economic and connectivity opportunities were prioritized. However, these states faced socio-economic and political challenges during the pandemic due to weak internal structures. In the post-Covid era, China’s presence in the region has once again spurred due to their dependence on Beijing. The paper will examine the Chinese footprint in Central Asia through border and trade relations, Xinjiang politics, and BRI policy. Second, implications of the economic, geopolitical, and social order after the pandemic. Third, how Central Asia is rebuilding itself from the domestic crisis, dependency theory will be used to investigate the multifaceted relations. The attempt is to answer if the Chinese presence brings sustainable development or increases dependence. The study shall conclude that Chinese presence requires a redefinition of the “status quo, sovereignty, and development” beyond economic interaction and cooperation.
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