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After the demise of Yugoslavia, the geopolitical position of Serbia has changed dramatically. A series of wars in the 90-s and international economic sanction has resulted in Serbia’s isolation from the main currents of market reforms and European integration in Central and Eastern Europe. What is more, the country faced further territorial losses due to the secession of Montenegro in 2006 and the proclamation of independence of the southern province of Kosovo in 2008. In its current borders the country occupies only 30,3% of the ex-Yugoslav Federation. Despite the territorial losses, the area occupied by contemporary Serbia retained some of its features important for the whole Europe. Several international transport corridors cross the Serbian territory and consequently the country plays a significant role in trade between Central and Western Europe and the Balkan countries, including Turkey. The article discusses the close relationship between safety issues in the geopolitics of the Balkans and the geo-demographic or ethno-political situation. After the secession of Kosovo, which is inhabited in almost 95% by Albanians, modern Serbia still possesses three areas of high risk of ethno-political conflicts, namely: Vojvodina, Sandžak and Preševo. Their characteristics have also been considered in the paper. In the post-socialist period being of main interest in this paper, Serbia has undergone two major phases: till 2000 and after 2000. The breakthrough between them occurred due to some major changes connected with geopolitical and geoeconomic position of Serbia: the end of the Kosovo crisis and conflicts in the former Yugoslavia, the change of the Milošević regime in October 2000; recognition by UN of the Alliance state of Yugoslavia (Serbia and Montenegro) on 1st of November 2000, the gradual introduction of international sanctions and restoration of conditions for the normalization of bilateral political and economic relations with other countries and international organizations.
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The main subject of the article is to present role in international relations of three independent republics of South Caucasus: Georgia, Armenia and Azerbaijan, existing in 1918-1921. Due to geostrategic importance of the South Caucasus aroused great interest of superpowers: the United Kingdom, France, Italy and the United States. A special role in this region play Great Britain, whose troops were stationed in the republics of South Caucasus in 1919. Initially, the governments of the victorious powers did not recognize the independence of the South Caucasus states, because they considered this area as a part of Russia. This was due to support by Western governments Volunteer Army, operating in the North Caucasus and fought against Bolsheviks. The command of this formation did not recognize the indepedence of the South Caucasus countries. Southern-Caucasus policy of the victorious powers was changed at the turn of 1919 and 1920, the Volunteer Army began to suffer defeats in battles with troops of Soviet Russia. The growing threat of dependence on Russia's South Caucasus republics led Bolshevik, that the victorious powers in January 1920, recognized governments of Georgia, Armenia and Azerbaijan, and gave them military aid. However, Soviet Russia's military superiority meant that the actions of Western countries did not have much practical significance, and finally to March 1921, the entire Southern Caucasus was sovietized.
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Pakistan is the place of a less-known conflict between Baluch national movements and federal government in Islamabad, which bear deeply on geopolitics in the region. Pakistani federal forces have been trying to suppress Balochi national movements for more than 50 years. Its aim was to replace Baluch identity with Pakistani, or at least muslim one, by force. The goal hasn’t been reached so far, with most attempts being counter-productive in its results. Moreover, the conflict made national movement switch from mainly political one to national insurgency. The main factor of the conflict is Pakistani government and military’s disregard for Baluchis economical, political and cultural aims.
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People's Republic of China is one of the most emerging markets in the world. Its economy and military capabilities have attracted attention of the other world powers in recent years. How should the United States, who has created a special economic relation with China called "Chimerica", respond to this new player in the world game? Can the China's "peaceful rise" threaten its neighbors form the Asia and Pacific Region? What would be the new world order? The aim of the article is to respond to those questions by providing the analysis of the new China's strategy in post-Cold War era. At first, the author introduces idea of strategy and then presents his interpretation of the origins, elements and main goals of the China's foreign policy. In addition he explains evolution of the Chinese perception of the international relations and indicates the examples of the new strategy's implementation.
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Author analyses Russian map created in 1914 which presented the expected post-war borders in Europe. Its title was “Map of the Future Europe” and it outlined continent’s political frontiers that should be expected after defeating German Empire and the Austro-Hungarian Empire by the Triple Entente (including Russia). The map is undoubtedly an exceptional work in terms of content and form, and its ideological message for many of the political events that took place in the twentieth century. Due to its originality is a historical document of considerable value, which should be the subject of further research by experts in the geo-political concepts and doctrines.
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The foreign policy of Italy in post-war period is often analyzed in accordance with the "paradigm of the three circles". The first one is "European circle". Relations with the United States were the second of the three circles. The last circle of Italian foreign relations activities in the Mediterranean. Trying to save the colonies form the era before fascism was symbolic. The post-war Italy did not have much to offer its former colonies. The situation began to change with the economic development of the second half of the fifties. Circle of Mediterranean now again began to play an important role among Italian diplomats, because it seems to be the only area, where Italy can aspire to the role of middle-ranking power.
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The purpose of the article is to present the perspectives of China as a country participating in the geopolitical game of domination over Eurasia. In the first part of the paper author describes how classical geopolitical theories (Macinder, Skykman) influences on the opportunity to dominate the Eurasian continent. The second part describes the importance of Eurasia in the twenty-first century as an area which will be held game of world domination. The third part presents an analysis of the period of Pax Sinica. This can allow to understand today's imperial ambitions of China due to its imperial history. The last part shows the trends of today's expansion of Chinese influence in the region of Eurasia. It shows how the geographical location of China favors them in the race to become a world power.
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The Early expeditions of the Russians in the North-East, which led to the discovery of Sakhalin and numerous other island scattered in the waters near Pacific Ocean, became the nucleus of a wider exploration of the eastern and northern Russian lands and the Overseas Territories. For this purpose was established a Russian-American Company. In the nineteenth century, Russian researches were conducted in North areas- Siberia and the Far East, which were continued in the next century. The period of perestroika, however brought reduce spending on research and exploration of the polar region, writing in a border perspective- the Russian North declined. Currently importance of the Artic is increasing.
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Authors of “National Review (Polish: Przegląd Narodowy) presented political program of the National Democracy which preached the idea of two enemies of there born Poland: Germany and Russia. However, France was regarded as the most important partner for the Polish independent state. This point of view was concented with an idea of creating by Poland and France an alliance with Czechoslovakia, Romania Yugoslavia and the Baltic states and establishing a security system in Central-Eastern Europe.
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The most important papers on geostrategic determinants of the Poland’s security and geostrategic concepts are created in the National Defence University in Warsaw(AON). The university was established in 1990 as a result of the transformation of the Academy of the General Staff of the Polish Army. Article presents concept of Central Europe as a geostrategic region. Author analyses main papers of three military officers: Zbigniew Lach, Andrzej Łaszczuk and Julian Skrzyp.
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The purpose of this publication is to present selected socio-political issues related to the presence of Muslims in France and the specifics of the community of French ethnic background (European). To achieve this, the author analyzes the areas of settlement and housing French Muslims, the associated social pathologies, then presents the demographic structure and employment structure of the Muslim population, the problem of citizenship, electoral preferences and political activity, as well as against the minority Islamic natives. The final piece of the publication refers to the integration and assimilation policies pursued – often inconsistently – by the authorities against French Muslims, and in this context, the pursuit of that power to the Confidentiality of the constitutional principle of secularism of the French State.
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In the first part the author described the circumstances of the independence of Ukraine in 1991, the situation in Ukraine socio-political and economic to the autumn of 2004, the problem of separatism on the line: Western Ukraine - Ukraine East. The main part of the article is dedicated to the Orange Revolution: its causes, the conduct and consequences. The author discusses its course in the period 22 November 2004-23 January 2005, noting the protests and Polish diplomacy, the EU and Russia around Ukraine. He discussed the attitude of the government and the opposition, the role of the Polish and the EU in bringing about a repeat of 26 December 2004 the second round of the presidential election won by the candidate of Our Ukraine, Viktor Yushchenko. In the last part of the text the author showed the decomposition of the camp “orange”, completed in January 2010, the victory of pro-Russian Party of Regions leader Viktor Yanukovych in the next presidential election. In its effect on Ukraine to favor returned oligarchs and Yanukovych's policy towards Russia was more dependable than in 2005-2010. The consequence of his policy was the crisis of the Ukrainian system, completed “Euromajdan” – the second revolution years of 2013-2014 and the collapse of Yanukovych. Its aftermath was the annexation of Crimea by Russia and support is still provided for pro-Russian separatists in the east of the country – but that requires a separate analysis.
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In the twentieth century often radical political doctrines were born in the minds of a few and have an impact on the lives of entire nations, changing a long tradition of good relations between them in mass crimes and refugee. Murderous ideologies lie at the root of the explosion because of cruelty to relations between different ethnic groups or other, produced by these particular ideologies, categories of people. Knowledge of the principles discussed in this article Dmytro Dontsov’s doctrine is crucial to clarify the issues of growth of nationalist attitudes and hostility Eastern Lesser Poland Ukrainians to the Poles and the reasons for subversive and terrorist activities UWO and CNS in interwar Poland. Dontsov’s views on the methods and ethics of the national liberation struggle of the Ukrainian nation were also reflected in the policy of extermination of Ukrainian nationalists during the Second World War and post-war period.
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The analysis and assessment of the situation with regard to key players (state and private) as well as quantitative and qualitative assessment of the power of states, leads to the general conclusion that the Syrian conflict is international, and its solution is important for the interests of certain global and regional powers that want to retain or take over dominance in the region. The future of the Assad regime is rather uncertain, although it is yet strong and determined to pacify the protests and maintenance regime using the strong support of the security apparatus. One possible scenario is the solution without the participation of external actors, which involve the transfer of power to a family of Assad. In this way, security would be guaranteed Alawites, ensured stability in the country and preserve the balance of power in the region. Syria is an important element for further developments in the Middle East and regulations shape the future of power also for the entire region. Currently, the manner and the time horizon solution to the conflict is difficult to predict. In addition, acts of aggression on the part of the territory of Turkey, Syria, give indications of possible escalation of the conflict, as a consequence, can lead to a military solution, and thus substantially affect the change of power in the region.
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International relations between Czechoslovakia and Poland were not at their best between 1918 and 1938. It was due to the contrary goals of both countries’ foreign policy and border dispute. The main theme of disagreement was perception of Russian matter. Czechoslovak politicians wanted Russia to become the main element of geopolitical order in post-war Europe, which would constitute a proper counter-balance for growing power of Germany. This is due to their lack of acceptance for possibility of creating an independent Ukrainian national state. In turn, one of the priority of Polish foreign policy was to break Russia into small nation states and the reduction of former tsarist empire to purely ethnic grounds. Grounds of Central Ukraine were supposed to play a crucial role here. A different vision of the political system in Central Europe and the competition for the role of a regional leader in this part of Old Continent should be also added to the discrepancies between the two counties. Czechoslovakia was largely responsible for the shape of the relationship with Poland. It was consequently trying to weaken Polish position on the international area and to destabilize its internal situation. One of the main tools of this policy became supporting of separatist tendencies and strengthening anti-Polish sentiment that was found among more than five million Ukrainian minority in Second Republic of Poland. At the same time, the policy was implemented in such a way that it did not lead to an open conflict with Poles. For this purpose they used the Ukrainian emigration environment located in Czechoslovakia, which was overwhelmingly hostile towards Poland and Poles and it also had significant influence on fellow countrymen residing there. It could also count on far-reaching assistance of Czechoslovak authorities and facilitations concerning cultural, educational, scientific, and especially political activities. In this environment were born independence organizations Ukrainian Military Organization and Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists, which aim was to detach south-east lands from Poland with the tacit consent of Czechoslovak politicians.
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Current debates about racism seem to be dominated by two main approaches: theory of cultural racism and the Marxist problematization of racism as a result of contradictions in economic and political spheres. The most recent conceptualization of the first orientation build on anti-essentialist notion of culture and identity developed by a number of authors disputing the problem of multiculturalism in the 1990s. One can refer to researchers such as Zygmunt Bauman, Ash Amin and Simon Weaver as representatives of this approach suggesting that race is a category constructed as the consequence of complex political and historical-cultural processes. Marxist perspective should be understood to a large extent as a criticism of the first orientation. Adherents of this camp (Edna Bonacich, Eric Hobsbawm or James Blaut) argue that all the „discursive strategies of racialization” analyzed within the cultural racism paradigm are a reflection of – or, more precisely: the façade hiding – more basic mechanisms in the sphere of production and productive relations (economic base): the exploitation of labor as a consequence of the capitalist pressure to minimize costs and maximize capital accumulation, made possible thanks to the existence (and maintenance) of „reserve army of labor” (displaced residents of villages during the industrial revolution as described by Marx; and cheap labor in the colonial plantation-slavery system and in peripheral zones and within postnational civic-immigrant societies of the contemporary world-system). I would like to emphasize a need to provide an approach combining, synthesizing together the two above theories where racism would be defined as a common thread of racist phenomena in concrete, historical narratives and practices. It is necessary to avoid both the „liquidation„ of the problem of racism, reducing it to a set of elusive tensions between social and discursive positions on one hand, and translating it exclusively (while looking for a „subject of emancipation”, ways to end the economic exploitation and complete the process of „national liberation”) onto the domain of instrumentalization of ethnic and cultural differences – on the other hand. This strategy may prove fruitful in reflections on contemporary racist tendencies avoiding oversimplifications on one hand and too hasty analogies – on the other.
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The article discusses some problems of classical Marxist reflection on war and military service. Wewill some military writings of Friedrich Engels and his some Karl Marx's historical analysis of therole of war in the process of economic transformation of society. Engels is also the author of a richlegacy on military history. We will also discuss will some problems with militarism in writings ofleading representatives of social democracy such as Wilhelm and Karl Liebknecht's August Bebel,Franz Mehring and Rosa Luxemburg.
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