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Myth and mythology may be defined as an attempt of the human being to put some order in the way of perceiving the surrounding world that appears as chaos. However, those who want to justify their absolute power by a simple and self-evident explanation can easily manipulate this longing for myths, the more so as myth is also a kind of fairy tale. On the other hand, a lie is never hundred percent untrue: it is a combination of obvious facts with half-truths and with sheer untruths.
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The intention of the book is to present the policy of the United States towards China and ascertain the position of Peking in the American foreign policy between 1911 and 1918. The author considers various aspects of the problem against a background of political changes taking place in both countries and diplomatic struggle in the First World War period. The book is based on unpublished materials from the Library of Congress and the National Archives at College Park, as well as printed sets of documents and vast literature on the subject.
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Na potrzeby niniejszego raportu autorzy przyjęli następującą definicję polityki historycznej: jest to przekaz polityczny na temat historii państwa i narodu propagowany przez władze państwowe i będący elementem polityki państwa. Historia i stosunek do niej w dużym stopniu kształtowały relacje polsko-ukraińskie po odzyskaniu przez Ukrainę niepodległości w 1991 r. Oprócz prób rozwiązania problemów politycznych czy gospodarczych oba państwa starały się, z różnym skutkiem, uregulować stosunek do kwestii kontrowersyjnych. Są to przede wszystkim rzeź wołyńska (1943–1944), akcja „Wisła” (1947), relacje między Polakami i Ukraińcami przed II wojną światową oraz stosunek do reżimów hitlerowskiego i komunistycznego. W związku z prowadzoną przez Ukrainę polityką historyczną napięcia w relacjach polsko-ukraińskich pojawiały się zatem od początku, zwłaszcza przy okazji rocznic zbrodni wołyńskiej w 2003 i 2013 r. Niemniej dopiero w 2016 r. doszło do poważniejszego kryzysu na tle stosunku do historii – na szczeblu zarówno politycznym, jak i społecznym.
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The publication is a novel study in the field of Polish political science regarding collective representations – a category associated mainly with sociology – from the point of view of a political sphere researcher. The theoretical model adopted by the author has been used to outline and analyze the shapes of collective representations of the peoples of the former Yugoslavia in the difficult period of protracted economic crisis and the accumulation of further political problems. The in-depth diagnosis of ordinary people's feelings about the reality that surrounds them has led to the ascertainment that, over the recent years, rising problems and negative emotions have begun to predominate over optimistic premises, while maintaining stability in the region requires some more determined and well-thought-out actions by the international community. The monograph, written from the perspective of political science and based on qualitative data, combines the elements of other social sciences and humanities, which appeared necessary to explain the interdisciplinary category of collective representations in an integral manner. This broader view of the complicated Balkan region can contribute to improving the knowledge and understanding of it.
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Shaping collective historical memory is an important element of Russian foreign policy. The message about the key role of the USSR in ending World War II is used to strengthen Russia’s position in the international arena and serves to consolidate the countries of the former USSR. With the approach of the 75th anniversary of the end of World War II (8/9 May), Russian diplomatic and propaganda attacks on Poland will continue.
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Kształtowanie zbiorowej pamięci historycznej jest istotnym elementem rosyjskiej polityki zagranicznej. Przekaz o kluczowej roli ZSRR w zakończeniu II wojny światowej Rosja wykorzystuje do wzmacniania swojej pozycji na arenie międzynarodowej. Służy on też do konsolidacji państw dawnego ZSRR. W związku ze zbliżającą się 75. rocznicą zakończenia II wojny światowej Rosja będzie kontynuowała ataki dyplomatyczne i propagandowe na Polskę.
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Tensions in the Eastern Mediterranean have been increasing in recent months. This is a consequence of the overlapping of historical disputes with new conditions in the form of increased regional competition and enhanced involvement of outside powers. The escalation of the crisis may weaken European plans to diversify energy resources from the south, make it more difficult to solve migration problems, and destabilise the EU's neighbourhood.
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W ostatnich miesiącach wzrasta napięcie we wschodniej części Morza Śródziemnego. Jest to konsekwencją nałożenia się na problemy historyczne nowych uwarunkowań w postaci nasilenia regionalnej rywalizacji i wzmocnionego zaangażowania państw trzecich. Eskalacja kryzysu może osłabić europejskie plany dywersyfikacji źródeł importu surowców energetycznych z południa, utrudnić rozwiązywanie problemów migracyjnych i zdestabilizować sąsiedztwo UE.
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Family and the various forms of relationships and communications between the different generations in a family still represent a common object of research in the field of humanities, including ethnology. For most of us, family is a micro-world in which the major part of the human life happens. It offers us the initial information about the functioning of things and, in particular, about relationships between people, and creates the space in which we train communication. Within a family we learn in a non-violent way about how relationships between people –peers and members of different generations – work. We adopt opinions about what is going on around us, accept values and norms that we consequently use, modify and confront with the world outside the family sphere. Socialization in a family is the initial blueprint that forms our identity, the idea about who we are, where we belong to, whose continuation we are. Above all, family is an environment that is supposed to bring together its members through the feeling of mutual trust. It also offers the possibility (almost the obligation) to talk about confidential issues, but it can also create a “circle of silence” about phenomena which are taboo because of being painful and hurting both the speakers and the listeners. Especially in totalitarian regimes, family is endangered by the disclosure of certain facts, while others distort the positive image about its members. Family and society are interrelated as communicating vessels. Any changed conditions in society also change family, its forms, the relationships between generations, as well as the themes and the forms of communication within it. And vice versa – society responds (or should respond) to the needs and problems of family by means of special institutions. Today, the changes in communication in family are due to increased mobility of its members (education, work, personal fulfillment), individualization, as well as the development of new communication technologies. On one hand, there is the actual physical distance between the family members; on the other hand, the overcoming of such distance thanks to technological discoveries. In connection with family issues the developments in the European society of the 2nd half of the 20th century and the beginning of the 21st century have made us reflect about Martin Heidegger's statement: “The present times have overcome all distances, but have not created any proximity.” Another characteristic feature of a present-day family is the fact that the increased life expectancy trend allows for longer co-habitation and cultivation of relationships between three or even four generations. This creates a new potential for of inter-generational family relationships and extends the time lived in such relationships as adult individuals. The term generation can be described in several manners: for example, by an appropriately defined time interval related to the period of birth of individuals pertaining to a single generation. It is common to use the interval of 10 to 30 years, but other criteria can also be set for determining who pertains to which generation. Hence, a generation can be defined on the basis of the duration of a certain event (e.g. war generation) or structurally, like childhood (Wintersberger 2000: 6).
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China`s politics of memory focuses on the period of Japanese occupation between 1931 and 1945. The Chinese authorities describe it as a cumulative moment of “national humiliation” which started with, among other things, divisions of spheres of interest between the colonial powers in the 19th and 20th centuries. The merits of the Chinese Communist Party in the process of liberation from Japanese occupation are exaggerated in order to build up a belief within Chinese society that the party is also able to restore China to its rightful place on global stage. China`s authorities also strengthen nationalist sentiment in society in order to reinforce support for their assertive foreign policy.
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Polityka historyczna ChRL koncentruje się na okresie okupacji japońskiej lat 1931–1945. Władze chińskie przedstawiają te wydarzenia jako kulminacyjny moment „narodowego upokorzenia”, które swój początek miało m.in. w podziale między państwa kolonialne stref wpływów w Chinach w wiekach XIX i XX. Zasługi Komunistycznej Partii Chin w wyzwoleniu z niewoli japońskiej są wyolbrzymiane w celu budowania wśród Chińczyków przekonania, że będzie ona zdolna również odzyskać należne Chinom miejsce na świecie. Władze ChRL wzmacniają też nastroje nacjonalistyczne w społeczeństwie, aby zyskiwać poparcie dla swojej stanowczej polityki zagranicznej.
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Gde počinje savremena srpska istorija? I koje mesto u njoj zauzima jugoslovensko nasleđe? Da li razgovori o sećanju i zaboravu u post-konfliktnim društvima uopšte imaju smisla? Sa ovim pitanjima sam otišla iz Srbije u oktobru 2016. Pre 6 godina sam pošla na studijska putovanja o kulturi sećanja po celom post-jugoslovenskom prostoru u organizaciji Memory Laba (Laboratorije sećanja), edukacijske mreže koja se bavi temom kulturnog savladavanja prošlosti u zapadnoj Evropi i na zapadnom Balkanu. Od našeg prvog susreta u Sarajevu 2010. godine, nas 40 aktivista i analitičara smo zajedno putovali i istraživali kako društva u zapadnoj Evropi i na zapadnom Balkanu predstavljaju svoju istoriju. Posetili smo Bosnu i Hercegovinu, Hrvatsku, Francusku, Nemačku i nemačko-poljsku granicu, Kosovo, Makedoniju, Belgiju, a 2016. smo stigli u Srbiju.
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I tako, Srbija je ponovo jedinstvena po nečemu. Ona nema samo jedan već dva anti-fašistička pokreta, a u budućnosti će možda imati i još po koji. A to je sve samo dokaz velikog idejnog bogatstva, šarolikosti, pravičnosti i demokratičnosti elite našeg naroda. Ta elita Srbe kandiduje za nagradu za naj-postmodernističkiju naciju, onu koja rehabilitacijom đenerala potvrđuje visok stepen postignutog pluralizma mišljenja.
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U oktobru 2011. godine je u Beogradu umro Radomir Konstantinović, književnik i filozof, dosledni borac protiv nacionalizma i jedan od najaktivnijih članova Nezavisnog udruženja jugoslovenskih pisaca koji su krajem osamdesetih godina pokušavali da se odupru nadolazećem nacionalističkom ludilu. Još jedan angažovani član udruženja, pisac Pavle Ugrinov, u svom dnevniku navodi da se Konstantinović, pošto je pročitao dokumente za osnivačku skupštinu udruženja, usprotivio tome što se u njima Jugoslavija tretira isključivo kao geografski pojam i podvukao da je „Jugoslavija za nas i nešto više, i nešto dublje, i nešto ne samo objektivno već i lično, pa je ne bi trebalo svoditi na geografski pojam”. U godini Konstantinovićeve smrti navršilo se i dve decenije od raspada Jugoslavije. Već toliko dugo Jugoslavija nije više (ni) geografski pojam, ali se čini da pitanje kako o njoj razmišljati sve više dobija na značaju.
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This study deals with the growing trend of Russia’s use of historical propaganda to further its foreign policy goals. It contains chapters written by experts in the field in the respective countries of Estonia, Finland, Latvia and Poland. The methodological aspects of the project were discussed in detail during a seminar in Riga on 11 December 2018. It was agreed that, for the integrity of the compendium, at least the central theme should be commonly understood as Jowett and O’Donnell conceptualise it: propaganda is a deliberate and systematic attempt to shape perceptions, manipulate cognitions, and direct behaviour to achieve a response that furthers the desired intent of the propagandist. Its systematic nature requires the longitudinal study of its progress. Because the essence of propaganda is its deliberateness of purpose, considerable investigation is required to find out what this purpose is.
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Goli otok je mjesto obilježeno represijom jugoslavenskog komunističkog režima nad tisućama pojedinaca koji su na otoku bili zatočeni. Negostoljubivi i nenaseljeni otok između Raba i Senja predstavlja jedno od simbolički najvažnijih mjesta u suvremenoj povijesti Hrvatske, odnosno bivše Jugoslavije. No od nekadašnjeg logora, kasnije zatvora na Golom otoku, ostale su tek derutne i devastirane zgrade po kojima zimi pasu ovce, a ljeti šetaju turisti u potrazi za iskustvom “jadranskog Alcatraza” koje im prodaju turističke agencije i lokalni brodari. Iako su za Goli otok gotovi svi u Hrvatskoj čuli, rijetki o njemu mogu reći više od nekoliko smislenih rečenica. Jedan od važnijih razloga ovog nesrazmjera je i donedavni manjak širokoobuhvatnih znanstvenih istraživanja Golog otoka. Objavom knjige “Povijest Golog otoka” dr. Martina Previšića početkom 2019. godine učinjen je veliki iskorak u znanstvenom istraživanju ove važne teme. No Previšićeva knjiga od šestotinjak stranica svojim opsegom uvelike nadilazi potrebe za informiranjem prosječnog posjetitelja, odnosno šire javnosti.
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Considering that education is important for the future of young generations, during 2017 UDIK worked on the handbook From Yugoslavia to Dayton – Monuments and the culture of memory through the influence of socio-political systems. The aim of this handbook is to contribute to building a culture of memory of the population on the war events of the nineties and to the prevention of unplanned and massive construction of monuments through education about the monuments to the victims of war that were created during that time period and after it. Five experts from the fields of history, security and peace studies, political science and communication sciences participated in the creation of this handbook, namely: Edin Radušić and Amir Duranović – Faculty of Philosophy, University of Sarajevo, Nerzuk Ćurak – Faculty of Political Sciences, University of Sarajevo, Amra Čusto – Cantonal Institute for the Protection of Cultural, Historical and Natural Heritage Sarajevo and Edvin Kanka Ćudić – UDIK Sarajevo. Attached to this manual is work material intended, as well as the entire manual, for all those who work with students in order to use this handbook and use specific examples to help their students better understand the monuments and the culture of memory in Bosnia and Herzegovina and beyond.
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In 2004, the Republika Srpska Government officially adopted the Report of the Commission for the Investigation of the Events in and around Srebrenica between 10th and 19th July 1995 which had officially acknowledged the involvement of Republika Srpska military and police forces in the July 1995 events in Srebrenica. The Report states, among other things, that “several thousand Bosniaks were liquidated in Srebrenica in a few days in July 1995, in a manner that represents serious violations of international humanitarian law, and that the perpetrator, among other things, took measures to conceal the crime by moving the bodies”. In August 2018, at a special session, the Republika Srpska Government repealed the 2004 Report on Srebrenica.
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On 29 September 2021 and 6 October 2021 two competing ceremonies were held in Kyiv to commemorate the 80th anniversary of the massacre at Babi Yar, where Kyiv Jews and representatives of other ethnic and political groups were exterminated. No comprehensive commemoration of these crimes was offered, either during the Soviet era or in the last 30 years of Ukraine’s independence. It was only in recent years that two projects to commemorate the Babi Yar massacre emerged. However, a sharp dispute between their initiators is ongoing. The first project, proposed by the Academy of Sciences and supported by ‘patriotic’ groups, presents the Holocaust against the backdrop of the martyrdom of other nations, and views Ukraine as a victim of two totalitarian systems. The other project, which is a private initiative, focuses on commemorating the genocide of the Jews on Ukrainian soil. However, this one has sparked controversy mainly due to the involvement in it of sponsors and contributors from Russia. This project has received backing from both the Ukrainian and Israeli governments due to its advanced stage of implementation, its cutting-edge design and its focus on Holocaust.
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