Šta je danas stvarno rat
Izvod iz jednog članka u »The Saturday Evening Post« od 11. avgusta 1928 u Filadelfiji. Prema »Die Auslese« za februar 1929.
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Izvod iz jednog članka u »The Saturday Evening Post« od 11. avgusta 1928 u Filadelfiji. Prema »Die Auslese« za februar 1929.
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The article evaluates some open source data, presented especially by Western officials or the media, regarding the evolution of China’s military power, focusing on the evolution of China’s defence spending over years. The goal of such an endeavour is to try to determine to what extent the pieces of open source information can lead to the conclusion that Chinese policymakers aim at using the full array of benefits derived from a policy of fully exhibiting considerable military power. However, this strategy may alter the security balance in the Asia Pacific region, with obvious and significant global implications, as it may lead to the acceleration of regional arms race.
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After the end of the Cold War, the international nuclear environment is marked by profound changes. For the United States, the biggest challenge is no longer Moscow’s atomic arsenal. At the beginning of the 21st century, the greatest threat that Washington has to deal with is represented by the mixture of rogue states, terrorist cells and weapons of mass destruction. The new threats are often unpredictable. Given the new state of affairs, the George W. Bush administration changes the way the US strategic nuclear forces are organised: the nuclear arsenal is reduced and modernised (in order to be as flexible as possible), missile defence assets are deployed, and nuclear non-proliferation efforts are reinforced. The Bush administration basically tries to counter the new nuclear threats using all available means.
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The security complex formed by the countries in the Black Sea Wider Region is continuously and dynamically reshaping itself in the medium and long term, the energy issues becoming more and more important. From the consumer perspective, the EU is an international actor that highly considers the energy resources from Caucasus, Central-Asia and transport corridors in the Black Sea Wider Region as well. It is vital for the EU to avoid excessive dependence on Russian infrastructures and to develop relations with oil and gas producing or transit states in the Black and Caspian Seas and Central Asia. Although NATO is primarily a political-military organisation, there is a concern for levels of security other than the military ones, while energy security has been for years part of the strategic documents of the North Atlantic Alliance.
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Ever since the entitling of Southeast Asia as “a second front against terrorism”, the regional terrorist networks have been getting more and more sinewy, as the counter-terrorist efforts have been boosted. This article is not aimed at finding the product of this multiplication. However, it uses it as a starting point for the perusal of the terrorist organisations in Indonesia and Philippines and the counter-terrorist measures taken by the national authorities in order to topple them down. The article will not pore on all the terrorist organisations from Indonesia and Philippines. It will only address Jemaah Islamiyah, the Abu Sayyaf Group and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front.
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In 2012, the US share of global W in 2011 and which accelerated in 2012, with a decline in US military expenditure by 6%. Since the global financial crisis of 2008, 18 of the 31 European Union and NATO member states have reduced military expenditure by more than 10%. In Europe, budgets are also declining. In France, in particular, the budget fell from 62,7 billion dollars in 2011 to 58,7 in 2012. According to the latest evaluations of defence budgets, the overall cut in defence expenditure is the consequence of significant cuts imposed by the crisis.
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The emergence of new risks and threats to security, the implications of globalisation and the increasingly complex nature of modern conflicts have raised the need for the establishment of a Spanish security and defence system capable of responding efficiently to these challenges and protecting national interests. To accomplish this, it is mandatory for all instruments and resources available on a global scale to be integrated and harmonised. In this article, the author presents Spain’s intelligence community and its role in providing national security. In this respect, he describes the attributions of the three bodies of the intelligence community: National Antiterrorism Coordination Centre, National Intelligence Centre and Government Delegated Committee for Intelligence Affairs.
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Against the background of the contemporary geopolitical and geostrategic conditions and the struggle for power between nations, the author analyses the evolution of the geopolitical concepts of power, power struggle and power balance, at the beginning of the 21st century. Power is one of the most circulated concepts of geopolitics, and the struggle for power is one of the mechanisms leading to the evolution of human civilisation. The general notion of a state’s power includes the potential power and the actual power. The potential power is limited to items such as: population, weapons, infrastructure and national wealth, while real power includes many more factors, many of which are not quantifiable.
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From the legal standpoint, from days of yore until the 20th century, war was considered a lawful activity of the sovereign state. Thus, the use of armed force was seen as a voluntary action of states, based on their discretionary power to preserve their existence and promote their interest. Therefore, the liberty to wage war became an essential prerogative of their sovereignty, as natural as the ability to sign peace treaties. The use of armed forces with no limits of time and space does not represent a crime, in the author’s opinion, but an international action, susceptible of being the object of a legal qualification.
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The author writes that the changes in the current security environment required the development of a new NATO strategic concept. However, since the establishment of the organisation and up to the new strategic concept, NATO negotiated and adopted six concepts: four of them under the pressure and influences of the Cold War and two after the end of it. To an extent that is not negligible at all, the Alliance owes its successes to the ability to formulate strategic concepts symbiotically adapted to the changing security conditions, providing them with legitimate value and credibility through the dynamics of the generated processes. After a review of all of these strategic concepts, the author mentions that the holistic analysis of their history, the new strategic concept included, helps to draw some general conclusions and he points out a few of them.
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The author writes about terrorism, which is presently one of the greatest threats to security, peace, stability, democracy and fundamental rights, the organic values of the European Union, but especially about the need for countering terrorism and the strategies and other types of documents draw up in for this purpose: The EU Plan of Action on Combating Terrorism, The European Union Counter-Terrorism Strategy, The Action Plan for Combating Radicalisation and Recruitment into Terrorism etc. According to experts, terrorist threats should be approached mainly at national level, even if we know that the current threat is especially at the international level. The activity at the EU level complements these efforts and is built around the prevention, protection, prosecution and response in the case in which an attack occurs.
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When word reached Serbia that a UN General Assembly Resolution would designate July 11 as the International Day of Reflection and Commemoration of the 1995 Srebrenica Genocide, Nemanja Stevanović, Permanent Representative to the UN from the Republic of Serbia, wrote a letter to the UN Secretary General to warn against the “dangerous consequences” of such a Resolution. Serbia’s representative warned, moreover, that the adoption of the Resolution could “provoke action” against the peace and stability of Bosnia and the region.
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Kada je u Srbiju stigla vijest da će Rezolucijom Generalne skupštine UN-a 11. juli biti proglašen Međunarodnim danom sjećanja na genocid u Srebrenici 1995. godine, Nemanja Stevanović, stalni predstavnik pri UN-u iz Republike Srbije, napisao je pismo generalnom sekretaru UN-a da bi upozorio na “opasne posljedice” takve Rezolucije. Predstavnik Srbije je, osim toga, upozorio da bi usvajanje Rezolucije moglo “isprovocirati akciju” protiv mira i stabilnosti BiH i regije.
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“Dobra Knjiga” Publishers are pleased to announce the forthcoming publication of Rusmir Mahmutćehajić’s new book, Genocidal Anti-Bosnianism, the culmination of many years of research by the author into the ideology of genocidal anti-Bosnianism, an inadequately recognised aspect of the ongoing crime of genocide. For a crime of genocide to take place, four things are needed: a genocidal ideology, a genocidal elite, a genocidal organization or apparatus, and perpetrators to carry it out. Even when a genocide is underway, three of these can be defeated and their activities thwarted: the elites, the organizations, and the perpetrators. It is different with the genocidal ideology, which may seem, like a living stream, to disappear, only to go underground and later return to social reality and start to put in place the conditions for a recurrence of genocide. Genocidal ideology is a phenomenon of the long durée with a highly complex presence in mentalities, culture, and political life.
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“Dobra knjiga” najavljuje objavljivanje knjige Rusmira Mahmutćehajića Genocidsko antibosanstvo. U knjizi su predstavljena viśegodišnja istraživanja autora o ideologiji genocidskog antibosanstva, najmanoj najmanje pojavi u dogođenom zločinu genocida. Četiri su preduvjeta za događanje zločina genocida: genocidska ideologija, genocidska elita, genocidska organizacija i izvršitelji genocida. Kada je genocid dogođen, elite, organizacije i izvrštelji mogu biti poraženi i zapriječeni. Ali to nije moguće s genocidskom ideologijom. Ona poput živog toka prividno ponire, ali iznova može postati društvena realnost te proizvesti ostale uvjete za događanje genocida. Genocidska ideologija je pojava dugog trajanja i vrlo složenih prisutnosti u mentalitetima, kulturama i politikama.
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The rising severity of the United States-China rivalry has become the primary element of contemporary international relations, posing the “million-dollar question” of whether there will be a war between the two world powers. American political scientist Graham T. Allison formulated and applied the concept of Thucydides’s trap—the structural stress caused by a “rising” power’s threat to displace a “ruling” one—to the US-China rivalry, which in most historical cases resulted in war. The author sees the fundamental weakness of Allison’s concept in the neorealist emphasis on the structural factor of the distribution of power among the actors at the expense of the process factor of their revisionist or status quo orientation, besides which Allison makes an unfounded presumption about “ruling” power’s status quo orientation. From the neoclassical realist viewpoint, the author corrects Thucydides’s trap concept, pointing to the revisionism of one or both rivals “caught” in it as the decisive factor in the outbreak of war while singling out hegemonism as a particularly dangerous form of revisionism. The author refers to the situation when the "ruling" power attempts to achieve hegemony as the reverse Thucydides trap. This paper’s principal thesis is that there is an inverse Thucydides’s trap between the contemporary United States and China due to the US’s endeavour to impose its hegemony on China and the rest of the international system. Through reinterpretation of Allison’s historical case studies based on neoclassical realism and the introduction of the concept of inverse Thucydides’s trap, the author formulates new recommendations for the prevention of the US-China conflict in the future.
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Students know the meaning of textbook as a noun to be a compilation of content for the purposes of explanation and setting principles. It is the core or ancillary subject text in a class. A biannual ritual on college campuses for decades was to stand in line in order to resell textbooks back to the bookstore, especially those books that came with a hefty price. Now it’s just as easy to unload them online. Textbooks are often one-time use books whose contents a professor requires all students to absorb for the purpose of passing exams or writing essays. As a scholar, I’m thrilled when I hear that a professor recommends or requires one of my books in a class. My shelves at home include treasured textbooks that brought enlightenment and understanding. These textbooks I keep take on a higher status in the life of the mind. I want to refer to a key subject again and again, so I keep it nearby for reference. In that case, textbook as an adjective refers to something that is a classic in a genre, commonly used in sports or entertainment. Michael Jordan or Kobe Bryant are considered textbook examples of supreme excellence in professional men’s basketball in entirely different eras. But what about textbook examples in our genre? In our field of strategic communications, we need to know about ancillary subjects that inform us over time.
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Coolness isn’t just a style; it’s a state of mind—an elusive fusion of authenticity, audacity, and innovation. It is also the holy grail that communicators chase relentlessly, yearning to blend originality with resonance. Yet, a perplexing paradox persists: the elusive notion of cool seems to slip through their fingers like sand. Amid the chase for attention and relevance one wonders: why can’t strategic communicators get what they want? Put simply, why can’t they be cool?
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Romania has a significant contribution in the Afghanistan theatre of operations, which has been gradually developed, ever since the beginning of the conflict. The current spatial configuration of the Romanian forces, as well as the missions assigned and/or assumed in theatre have influenced the dimensions of their support with communications and IT, a process that has required a constant effort at the level of all structures involved. In this respect, the authors believe that, from the beginning of operations, the support of communication and information systems has been approached on three levels: assuring information flows with the country, with the purpose of maintaining the national command of forces and providing logistic support; assuring command-control information flows in the theatre, with the structures at superior levels of the ones with which our forces cooperate, and assuring command-control information flows within each national structure.
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Because terrorism has become a transnational threat, the author believes that the solution should have a global character. This means that international cooperation is required. In reality, states cooperate only partially, and cooperation is limited only to a few concrete aspects and a certain number of states. Beyond the differences in interpreting the phenomenon, the explanation for this situation resides in the American National Strategy for Combating Terrorism, promoted by formed President George W. Bush, in the lack of trust that exists at the level of the international system regarding states’ honesty, as well as in the perceptions related to braking national sovereignty. Some states perceive the actions taken by military forces as something that increases the probability of new terrorist attacks, in other words they consider that an endless spiral of violence has to be dealt with.
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