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The main goal of this paper is to present the legal and organizational solutions in the field of terrorist financing in the Russian Federation. The article presents the most important legal regulations resulting from the provisions of the Criminal Code of the Russian Federation and the Federal Law of 7 August 2001 “On counteracting legalization (laundering) of proceeds from crime and on the financing of terrorism”.
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The main aim of the article is to present studies on medicalization as a useful theoretical tool to analyse phenomena connected with security. Nowadays, more and more international threats and crises are posed by a biological and environmental aspect of human life. Initially, a concept of medicalization is described and characterized and on that basis the Author tries to prove that public health and security studies are immensely interconnected. Then, some basic types of medicalization studies are presented, that is, psychological aspects of military con-flicts, medical effects of such conflicts connected with constructing new diseases, an idea of medicalization of insecurity (combined with juxtaposition of medicalization and securitization processes) and medical power as a political power. After some empirical examples of such phenomena are discussed, the Author attempts to briefly explain a theoretical potential of a concept of medicalization within the area of security studies
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Frozen conflict in Nagorno Karabakh has been representing a threat to the regional stability for the last two decades. Sudden escalation of violence in 2016, known as Four-Day War, spurred new discussions on factors influencing the territorial dispute between Armenia and Azerbaijan. While adversaries explain the conflict as a reaction to military provocations or as a rally round the flag effect, this article explains the dynamics of the conflict through the influence of the third party – Russia. Russia considers the Caucasus to be its sphere of the influence and therefor aims to spread its control through strengthening strategic ties with both Armenia and Azerbaijan in order to prevent the West from projecting its power in the region. Russia’s role of the superpower has therefor a vast influence on the Nagorno Karabakh conflict development.
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Author in paper work is analyzing allowing usage of atomic arm from view point of valid international law. Beside a few examples of first violating war habits and condemnation of those violations, author is leading as to a new problematic pointing out on actual questions that he is considering. In a second part he is considering sort and effects of atomic arm, and also damage of his usage on men. In addition, in next part he is analyzing permission of usage from a point of view of common law principles acknowledge by the civilized nations and international contracts. In fourth part he is reviewing on the positions in theory and exposing them to criticism. Finally is summing up positions and conclusions considering that beside some very rare exception (more hypothetic than improvable in practice ) usage of atomic arm should be considering forbidden from a point of view of valid international law. Author is also considering very useful bringing explicit decree which will put out of action usage of atomic arm.
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Bearing in mind the latent danger from modern terrorism in the XXI century, it is necessary to adopt a generally acceptable definition of terrorism, which would constitute the basis for the beginning of antiterrorist activities without applying double standards. In addition to the generally acceptable definition of terrorism on the UN level, identical rules regarding antiterrorist activities must be put in place and the relation towards all types of terrorism must be the same. It must always be borne in mind that terrorism cannot be simply eradicated, but that, rather, international consensus of all under UN guidance and general determination on global level can only put terrorism under control. International antiterrorist legal acts constitute an attempt at incriminating terrorist activities by the UN and sovereign states on their territories. Therefore, international law determines a relatively coherent legal framework of international action for combating terrorism, a delictum sui generis, the history of which is closely linked to the history of political crime. However, the author finds that, so far, these documents have failed to yield the expected results in combating terrorist activities. It is apparent that states are becoming an obstacle for the implementation of these documents, thus blunting the edge of efficient antiterrorist action. Even though in international law terrorism is treated as the violence of natural persons acting individually or in groups, the author thinks that states can also be responsible for terrorist action of individuals – if they actively support them or tolerate their activities. Consequently, states should also bear the main responsibility, which has not been applied in practice by international legal documents dealing with terrorism. This paperis an attempt to once again bring attention of the international and national general public to the importance of antiterrorist legal documents, together with a warning that is futile to adopt documents that are not applied in practice.
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This paper is above all a quick piece of information on current problem which could have provoked a large war in the Middle East. And also about a unique operation to resolve it. Syrian chemical weapons used to be a serious threat to the entire Middle East, mainly in the context of the ongoing civil war. This was confirmed by repeated use of nerve agent sarin during the conflict. The destruction of Syrian chemical weapons eliminated the threat of escalation of the conflict and its extension to other countries.
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School is not an option when a child could be killed at any time outside the safety of home.
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Possible prisoner swap with Kyiv discussed in phone talks; Kremlin dismisses Washington’s reported peacekeeping plan.
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In course of action, modern forces ought to be capable to safe living surroundings by the implementation of environmental protection into military planning and decision-making process. Traditionally it protects not only a location around military bases, training areas, but also in all operational area of deployed armed forces. This study therefore deals with methods of environmental protection and the so-called risk management to prevent damages that can't be remediated, both in the field of natural, cultural or historic sights and relicts.
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The final extended deadline, established by the Chemical Weapons Convention for the destruction of chemical weapons, passed in 2012. Despite all efforts and enormous amount of funds, the goal to destroy all chemical weapons within this date has not been achieved. The authors enumerate states that this fulfilled this resolution and others that this task did not accomplished, for some reasons. According to the destruction plans, the Russian Federation should complete the destruction by the end of 2015, Libya by the end of 2016, and the United States not until September 2023.
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The article is freely connected with the article United Nation Military Observer published in this Military Revue No 3, 2013, where the role of UN military observer was specified, i.e. as a member of an international peace support operation and military peace engagement. This following article mainly deals with UN military observer training procedures and concentrates on the classification of this training category. The lager part of the article is focused on military observers´ general preparation and its subjects and contents. In respective chapters, there are individual items of this training and their implementation explained, partly in the ACR. Finally, the author opens the question of chances to implement some neglected types of military observer's schooling, specific mission training, in-place training, and refresh training.
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The present article studies and criticizes the "right to peace" as an individual`s fundamental right, as claimed by the resolution of 24 June 2016 of the UN Human Rights Council. The criticism concerns problems of content and method of the aforesaid Resolution (to be approved or not by the UN General Assembly), and this also with regard to the so-called "soft law".
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Russia`s war with Georgia in 2008 and the ongoing conflict with Ukraine since 2013 have revealed Russia’s geopolitical ambitions in the former Soviet space. This forces former Soviet republics in the South Caucasus and Central and Eastern Europe to choose between non-alignment and closer integration with either the EU or Russia. This study focuses on the question of political and economic risk for Belarus, Armenia, Ukraine and Georgia, in case of their attempt to escape the influence of Russia. Based on the assumption that a common pattern exists in Russia’s behaviour during the conflicts in Georgia and Ukraine, ethnic and economic pre-conditions for a successful “hybrid warfare” are analysed, and the economic consequences of a potential change of course towards the EU of these countries are assessed.
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Review of: Dennis J. D. Sandole — Hugovan der Merwe (ed.) "Conflict Resolution Theory and Practice. Integration and Application"; Manchester University Press, Manchester— New York,1994., 298 p. by: Dario Ciraki
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Unpopular decisions of the first president of Chad, François Tombalbaye, quickly led to dissatisfaction, mainly among discriminated Muslim people living in the northern part of the country, for Chad’s population comprises a number of tribes. They speak different dialects and have different religious beliefs, including Islam, Christianity, and Animism. Not without significance is also the fact that the borders of the country were set artificially, with no consideration of ethnic areas or historical context.As soon as in 1965, a civil war erupted and in the following year the National Liberation Front of Chad (FROLINAT) was established. It was a rebel group aiming to overthrow the president. In 1975, in effect of internal terror and purge in the army, F. Tombalbaye was overthrown and succeeded by gen. F. Malloum. Yet FROLINAT continued the fight until 1979 when Hissène Habré took over. The subsequent years made the long-lasting period of bloody combat between the new president and his ex-collaborator Goukouni Oueddei. During that time, several countries started to intervene in Chadian internal affairs, including France, Libya, USA and neighboring countries. Foreign support for opposing politicians made the crisis in Chad even longer.
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The article presents NIMBY syndrome as a type of local conflict, taking into account phases of development, its levels and methods of mitigation. NIMBY syndrome has been portrayed as a conflict affecting the lives of local communities, drawing on the classic concept of conflict. The article also provides an analysis of investment in renewable energy sources as potentially affected by NIMBY.
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The aim of the article is to present the European Union’s commitment to resolve the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. 2018 is a good time to take stock of the role of the European Union and other regional and international actors in resolving the Palestinian issue. Currently, it is 25 years since the signing of the Oslo Agreement, 30 years after the declaration of independence announced by the PLO. A year earlier, 50 years have passed since Israel seized the Gaza Strip and the West Bank. The article assumes the thesis that the Israeli-Palestinian conflict is one of the main challenges for the EU’s foreign policy, is an inherent feature of the regional balance of power and without its regulation it is impossible to think about a lasting peace in the Middle East. Its implications are multidimensional and concern security, political dialogue, economic and social issues. The conflict also has an impact on the overall policy pursued by the Union towards the Mediterranean. The article is divided into five parts. The first presents the source, evolution and individual stages of the conflict from the end of the Second World War. In the second part, the implications of the provisions of the Oslo Agreement for the negotiation process were indicated. The third identifies the most important problems that prevent a lasting peace between Israel and Palestine. In the fourth part author shows the position of the European Union towards the conflict and a two-state solution, and bilateral cooperation with Israel and Palestine. The fifth part discusses the problems related to the involvement of the European Union in ending the conflict. The analysis carried out in this article is based on diversified sources, literature on the subject, in particular from 2015–2018, and the author’s own research. The study uses a critical, problematic approach, taking into account the behavior of the basic actors, important from the point of view of the discussed topic, and the following research methods were used: factor analysis, institutional and legal, content analysis and elements of the decision method
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Civil-military cooperation (CIMIC) has officially emerged as a coordinated strategy between the United Nations peacekeeping missions and humanitarian non-governmental organizations (NGOs) to enable access to people in need of assistance in complex emergencies. However, this integrated approach raises serious concerns regarding the respect of traditional principles of humanitarian action: humanity, impartiality, neutrality, and independence. While some humanitarian NGOs are opposed to any form of collaboration with the military, others believe this cooperation is very important to enable access and provide aid to civilians in needs. Using the case study of the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), this article analyses the impact of the CIMIC integrated approach between the United Nations Peacekeeping and Stabilization Mission in the DRC (MONUSCO) and humanitarian NGOs on the afore-mentioned principles of humanitarian action. It argues that most humanitarian NGOs that are operating in the Eastern DRC are opposed to the CIMIC’s integrated approach as it pushes them to violate the principles of neutrality, independence, and impartiality. Second, CIMIC increases the danger of humanitarian workers to be targeted by illegal armed groups. Third, despite their integrated approach, both MONUSCO and humanitarian actors have not been able to pacify the Eastern DRC, end the humanitarian needs of the population, or improve their effectiveness.
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The Abraham accords signed in Washington in September 2020, a series of joint normalization statements between Israel the UAE and Bahrain followed by Morocco in December 2020, were a game changer in the Middle East. Those Accords provide the pathway to the end of the Arab Israeli conflict and a future of peace, tolerance and opportunity in the Middle East and around the world. Those accords proved that there is a new way for negotiations in the Middle East. One could have been surprised that the EU was not engaged in the Accords when signed. The fact that Europeans believe in the two-state solution as the only solution and the fact that the American President Donald Trump was behind the Accords made Europe skeptical to the Accords. But reality made the difference: The war in Ukraine brought its challenges and Iran’s interference in the conflict (supplying drones to Russian’s army) provoked a real concern in Europe. The Iranian nuclear program seemed again a threat to the west and not only to Israel and Gulf countries. conflict management played a role. This paper depicts how Europe went from skepticism to engagement concerning the Abraham Accords. Geo-political interests were clear: geopolitical realignment, a great potential for Africa and energy and food supply potential in connection to those Accords. Furthermore, cooperation as well as development in foreign affairs played a role in Europeans’ choice.
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