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Promene u etničkom sastavu u Opštini Višegrad, 1991. i 1997.
Testimony report in the LUKIĆ and LUKIĆ case (IT-98-32/1)
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Testimony report in the LUKIĆ and LUKIĆ case (IT-98-32/1)
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How many times in my life have I heard “Why do you interfere?!”, or “Let it be, you can’t do anything about it!”. And, certainly, the most frequent phrase: “As if my voice would change anything”. I keep asking myself what is the matter here? Do people underestimate themselves and clearly say “I’m just a nobody”, or willingly sink into a collective molasses, saying: “That’s the way we are”. In my case, the problem with identification emerged for the first time in the first grade of elementary school, when records on nationality began to be kept. The ones asked before my turn answered: “Yugoslavian”, “Turkish”, “Serbian”, Hungarian”…I have a surname which corresponds to the nation quoted last, and to the fact that my grandfather speaks Hungarian fluently. Until then, I probably haven’ seen Hungary even in the pictures, and as I admitted knowing how to count up to ten in my grandfather’s language (I could also count in English, but that wasn’t a part of my dilemma), I declared myself as a citizen of Zrenjanin.
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Of all the misfortunes that happen to my people, but also to all the other peoples, without exception, I am most upset with those involving children. I don’t justify wars, which are begun by the adults, not by children who are completely innocent, but perish without even beginning to live. I think there is no punishment harsh enough to which I’d sentence such people. This is a true story about the destiny of some people, which made a strong impression on me and made me think.
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90’s are gone forever. We are 10 years older, poorer, and truly. That is the price of our stupidity and of our irresponsibility.” In the 90’s I was six years old. I did not know what the society was, what a political party was, what a President was. I was unaware of existence of those things, and of the fact that some people, other than my parents, influenced my life. But I knew that the following year I would start going to school
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Cilj ove studije je analiza uloge Operativne grupe Jug Oružanih snaga SFRJ (Gardijske motorizovane brigade i dodatne jedinice) tokom dejstava u Slavoniji, Baranji i zapadnom Sremu u cilju zauzimanja Vukovara, i nakon tih operacija (od septembra do 24. novembra 1991). - Dva su bitna aspekta ove analize. Prvo, u izveštaju se istražuje struktura oružanih snaga SFRJ, doktrina komande i kontrole (nad oružanim snagama i unutar njih), disciplina i ostali važni aspekti. Drugo, u izveštaju se analizira na koji način je Operativna grupa Jug oružanih snaga SFRJ u jesen 1991. izvodila operacije u Slavoniji, Baranji i zapadnom Sremu (i Vukovaru), uključujući odnose između Gardijske motorizovane brigade i drugih oružanih grupa koje su dejstvovale na vukovarskom području pre, za vreme i posle evakuacije vukovarske bolnice. - Da bi postigla svoj cilj na najefikasniji način, studija je podeljena na dve velike celine. Svaka ceklina se sastoji od više delova. Da bi se olakašalo čitanje, svaki deo počinje sažetim prikazom. Skraćenice su navedene i objašnjene posebno u Glosaru.
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This handbook offers only some of the possible answers to the question how to deepen the discussion on the past in polarized societies where denial and/or relativization of crimes is an everyday practice and where one can hear exclamations such as "There is only one truth!" more often than questions "What has happened to you and your family?" The pages you are reading have been written for all those who have doubts and question a black-and-white picture of a 'better past', subject to adjustments and polishing in order to makes 'us' look more positive and 'them' negative. The handbook deals with some of the possible ways in which facts can be documented, suffering of every victim and survivor acknowledged and dignity of every person respected. The idea for publishing this handbook was born on my way to Canada where I was supposed to present the process of dealing with the past in Croatia and the neighbouring countries, from my own perspective, to colleagues from both North and South America and other continents. Interest into our experiences, expressed by ancestors of children who were taken from Indigenous peoples’ villages near Vancouver, with "the best intentions of better education", as well as by artists from Colombia who work with traumatized families of the killed and missing and by priests who are preparing a truth commission in Burundi, but also positive reactions from Bjelovar, Pakrac, Osijek and Sarajevo, encouraged us to write this handbook. National Foundation for the Development of Civil Society also recognized the importance of learning through exchange of experiences and supported this handbook. Texts in the handbook describe experiences of people who have, for decades, been trying to find ways in which to talk about hidden, unpleasant facts and crimes committed in their neighbourhood. The authors have gathered in initiatives such as that for the return of the name of the Victims of fascism square in Zagreb or Antiwar campaign Croatia and started organizations such as Centre for peace studies, Delfin, Pravda and MIRamiDA Centre. In an attempt to initiate the process of dealing with the past and to establish a fact-based truth about the war and contribute to shifting public discussion from the level of dispute about facts towards a dialogue on interpretations, these organizations founded Documenta – Centre for Dealing with the Past (hereafter Documenta). It was established in order to systematically deal with violence inherited in the period since the beginning of the Second World War until today. The key reason for making this effort was experience in silencing and forging war crimes and other war events in the period from 1941 until 2000, which has affected the recent history of Yugoslavia, but also of post-Yugoslav states and societies. During their work, the authors have opened questions which are, at the same time, difficult and important for everyone. Experiences which they have documented cannot be implemented universally, but can perhaps serve as an inspiration for opening up the dialogue about the past and about the adequate ways of remembering those killed in different locations. Since they are aware that there are no uniform recipes for thinking about the past and selecting the way in which to discuss difficult issues, they sometimes start from their own position and position of their own family, and sometimes point to global problems. The order in which you choose to read the text is not important. Regardless of whether you choose to first read about personal, family, institutional or social sphere, the texts will lead you to taking a stand towards violence in all spheres. Considering the fact that we still live in exclusive societies in which security is often based on closing oneself in a group of people of the same nationality and/ or those who think alike and who do not refrain from radical nationalism, ideological exclusiveness, degrading people of different nationality, making fun of ideological opponents or denying facts on committed war crimes, our starting point, in the work we do, was acknowledgement and emphasis of human dignity of those who were killed, suffered or were abused, regardless of the side on which they found themselves due to their belonging, geography, choice or political beliefs. The same values may also be your own starting point. Since respect of dignity and equal rights is the foundation of freedom, justice and peace, all human beings are born free and equal in dignity and their rights, as stipulated in the Preamble and Article 1 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, adopted at the UN General Assembly on December 10, 1948. While a struggle for recognition of rights which are stipulated in this declaration is still going on, we can ask ourselves how many more decades will need to pass in order for the ‘new’ rights to truth, just court proceedings, reparations and guarantee to non-repetition of crimes, which are being affirmed within the U.N. in the past ten years, to become a worldwide recognized standard? Even if we are talking about a century of advocacy, we should not be discouraged by the slowness of changes, because taking a stand to violence on an every-day basis means a lot to those who have been hurt. Even in times of dictatorships, the destiny of those who suffered becomes visible only when others, outside one’s family circle, recognize it as such. Building mutual trust after a war and conflicts is connected to the acknowledgement of victims’ past suffering, and in Croatia and other post-Yugoslav countries, contemporaries of three cycles of violence, the Second World War, post-war violence over political opponents and the 1990s wars, are still alive. The decision on how far in the past one should go when conducting research is not an easy one. In social processes of dealing with difficult past violence, it is not easy, and sometimes even impossible, to single out only one group of crimes, especially in disputes which touch upon traumatic experiences of participants themselves. Every initiative for deepening a dialogue about the past will decide what would be a relevant period in the context of its own country. In countries with the history of colonialism or slavery, it will, for example, be necessary to take into account more layers of history. In this handbook, the authors primarily use examples from Croatia regarding three layers of the past, the contemporaries of which are still alive. In other countries, it will perhaps be possible to focus only on the last cycle of violence or it will be necessary to look back a couple of centuries back, for example to the period when colonization started. In our work thus far, it has become clear that personal, family, institutional and social dealing with the past is not only important for the protection of rights of those groups which suffered during wars or political violence, but is also important for the process of civilizational development of a society as a whole. Open, inclusive societies in which horizontal communication about all, even unpleasant topics, is encouraged, are more successful in every respect. When working through a trauma, through dealing with the past, we affirm inclusiveness and openness of a society, as a general good which should be protected. However we engage in the process of dealing with the past, it will demand from us to condemn spreading of hatred. Regardless of whether we decide to have private conversations within our own homes or to critically examine the most important decisions adopted by government institutions, the first step we make could be to condemn violence. It is less important whether this condemnation will influence our relationship with ourselves and our closest family members or whether we find a way to express this condemnation by critically commenting on the world around us. What is important is this essential step of condemning all forms of violence. The scope of your intervention, research or action will depend on your ability to include and motivate others. It is not important whether the initiative will start from one person’s wish to document his/her memories for future generations1 , from a conversation between two worried individuals2 or from years-long preparations of experienced organizers for founding a researchdocumentation centre which would systematically monitor trials and document human losses. In moments of revolt caused by a general lack of respect for values that you find important, decisions on taking action will be made in a second, while decisions on starting new organizations may take several years. But before diving into an examination of methodology, the question that should first be asked is the one about the purpose of dealing with the past. One of the possible answers, which has emerged throughout the work of human rights organizations, is that dealing with the past lessens the burden of the past, which stalls complete development of societies affected by war and political violence. Only by revealing systematically hidden and silenced information on human suffering and by gradually accepting facts about committed crimes are we creating a chance for personal and social healing, as well as providing space for realizing the rights of young people on learning about fact-based history. Emina Bužinkić, Igor Roginek, Goran Božičević, Ana Bitoljanu and Vesna Teršelič are the editors of this handbook. It contains texts on factography of suffering, recoding of personal memories, preparation of public advocacy and war crimes trials monitoring. We believe the handbook to abound in different styles, approaches, language and experiences and hope you will find it helpful.
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The significance of the celebration on November 25, 1969, is that the date of that year was officially recognized on the state holiday of the Socialist Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina. The marking of this important date from the history of Bosnia and Herzegovina lies in the context of important political, economic, social, cultural and other changes in the Yugoslav state wich have been gradually taking place since the mid-60s, when they gave major political powers to the republic goverments. As this process has proceeded in Bosnia and Herzegovina, it can be analyzed as an example of marking the 26th anniversary of ZAVNOBiH. On this festive days in Sarajevo on November 29th, on the Day of the Republic, Josip Broz Tito attended the premiere of the film Battle of Neretva in the newly opened modern center of Skenderija. A day after, at the solemn session of the Academy of Sciences and Arts of Bosnia and Herzegovina, he was awarded the first honorary member of these most scientific institution in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Also, this was the time of strog sensivity of the Yugoslav public towards Bosnia and Herzegovina after the devastating earthquake in Banja Luka and Bosanska krajina, which occured only a month earlier (October 27, 1969). The postponed population Tito visited the day later and promised them the assistance of the entire Yugoslav community. The significance of Bosnia and Herzegovina in the constitution of the Yugoslav state Tito also emphasized on November 29 for the premiere of the film with a well-known theme from the Second World War and a reminder of the heroic battles that took place in Bosnia and Herzegovina’s territory. Otherwise, the association with the events of the National Liberation War was an integral part of all introductory speeches on the occasion of marking socialist holidays. The joint celebration on 25 and 29 November 1969 in Sarajevo was also the last with great hopes and expections in the coming 70s.
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1.1. Methodological Preliminary Remarks 1.2. Settlement history 1.3. The role of the state and the church 1.4. The Ethnic Map of the Middle Ages 1.5. The impact of the Ottoman conquests 1.6. The consequences of modernization
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4.1. From Slavic Tribal Societies to Feudal Rule 4.2. Bosnia as part of the Ottoman Empire 4.3. The Austro-Turkish Wars and the collapse of the Ottoman Empire 4.4. The end of Ottoman rule and the occupation by Austria-Hungary 4.5. epilogue
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6.1. Middle Ages 6.2. Turkish rule 6.3. Uprising against the Turks 6.4. Serbian autonomy in the Ottoman Empire 6.5. The Kingdom and the Struggle for Modernization 6.6. Until the end of the First World War
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7.1. Middle Ages 7.2. Ottoman period 7.3. Self-government and bishopric 7.4. Secular domination and expansion 7.5. From the Balkan Wars to the Loss of Independence
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9.1. Middle Ages 9.2. Under Ottoman rule 9.3. In the twentieth century 9.4. State Independence
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10.1. Prehistory and founding of the state 10.2. The »Kingdom of the Serbs, Croats and Slovenes« 10.3. The royal dictatorship 10.4. The downfall
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16.1. Dynamic diversity 16.2. The dialects 16.3. The minority languages 16.4. Linguistic-historical processes
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19.1. The political imaginary of Croatian national history 19.2. On the history of Bosniak mythology 19.3. The Sarajevo Paradoxon
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21.1. Accession to power and turn to nationalism 21.2. From the destruction of provincial autonomy to aggression against the northern republics 21.3. From the conquests in Bosnia to the defeat in Kosovo
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Uvjerene smo da održivi mir ne može postojati bez rada na liječenju od traume nakon nasilja. Osim toga, trauma koja se ne transformira ostaje zarobljena i često prelazi u novo nasilje. Navedene tvrdnje su temelji ove knjige, kao i konferencije iz koje je ona proizišla: “Trauma, pamćenje i ozdravljenje na Balkanu i šire”. Konferencija je održana u bosanskohercegovačkoj prijestolnici, Sarajevu 2016. godine i ugostila je međunarodne i domaće naučnike/ce i praktičare/ke iz širokog spektra disciplina, što se vidi i u poglavljima. U radu su ozbiljno razmatrani priroda i uloga traume, kao i prilike za izgradnju mira u različitim kontekstima – uključujući poslijeratne države nastale raspadom Jugoslavije – ali i prepreke tomu. I u Zborniku su razmatrana ista pitanja, s fokusom na Bosnu i Hercegovinu (BiH) jer je nedvojbeno najteže pogođena raspadom Jugoslavije devedesetih godina.
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