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Russia’s political system, officially knownas “sovereign democracy” (suverennaia demokratiia),is nothing but a dictatorship along the lines of Lenin andStalin’s democratic centralism. After all, the main goal is tore-establish a new Russian empire with Putin on the throne.Imperialism is this “new-old” ideology’s proper name.
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Vladimir Putin and his criminal warin Ukraine have returned the Russian economyback to the dark days of the early 1990s, with spirallinginflation, winding queues in front of banks and shops, stringentfinancial controls and a new wave of skilled Russian emigrantsflowing out of the country. This crisis is only likely to get worseas Russia turns into a pariah state unpalatable for the world’smost technologically-advanced nations and enterprises.
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Whilst Ukraine, Georgia and Moldova’sapplications for EU membership were submitted beforethey were really ready, the Russian military assault onUkraine has put the EU in a very delicate situation.Nevertheless, the EU has given the green lightto start evaluating the eligibility of the threeassociated states for candidate status.
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Armenian economists, entrepreneursand private business owners are warningabout hardships that have arisen due to sanctionsagainst Russia following its invasion of Ukraine.The risks and consequences for Armenia’seconomy are severe.
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The war in Ukraine has also openedlong-standing geopolitical wounds in the three statesof the South Caucasus, which now find themselveson the frontline of the new Cold War. The modestreactions of Baku, Tbilisi and Yerevan to Russia’saggression against Ukraine underline the precariousstates the three countries find themselves in.
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Thousands of Ukrainian refugees enter Romaniadaily through the border crossings and are met by an armyof volunteers. Yet, there is no central command runningthese humanitarian operations. They are, for the most part,happening spontaneously, with officials, refugees andvolunteers finding the best solution for each case throughword of mouth or on social media. Not havinga plan seems to be the best plan so far.
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In 2019, a Levada Centre poll revealed that66 per cent of Russians regretted the collapse of theSoviet Union while just a quarter did not. This representedan increase of 11 per cent in ten years. In the same time,Russia’s economy shrank by 23.2 per cent. The moststated, and consistent, reason for regret was the“destruction of a unified economic system”.
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The ongoing Russian invasion of Ukraine has ledto massive killings and casualties among civilian population.War crimes committed during the conflict remind us ofthe menace of genocide, especially while the invadersput the “denazification” motto on their banners.When dealing with such a divisive topic, it isimportant to remember the legacy left by theman who first coined the term “genocide”.
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The outcome of the war in Ukraine will be determined by three key actors – Ukraine, Russia and the West. However, all three operate as if they are in different time dimensions. One of the features of this “totally new era” is that clocks are ticking on all sides, but the speed seems different.
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While Germans are slowly learning that Ukraineis a nation with a unique language and culture nowthreatened with annihilation by Russia, the country’straditional longing for accommodation with Moscow is alreadystarting to re-emerge in national discourse. In Germany, wehave yet to understand that it is a Russian war against whichthe Ukrainians are defending themselves militarily. Russia mustlose and Ukraine must win in order for it to have a future.
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Ever since 2014 the war in Ukraine has often been thought ofas a local conflict, wholly separate from wider issues. If Putin’sfull-scale invasion has proven anything, however, it is thatKyiv now finds itself on the frontline of a battle to defendliberal democratic values against authoritarianism.
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Since the spurious presidential elections of 2020and subsequent protests, as well as the repressions that havebeen taking place, we know that Alyaksandr Lukashenka doesnot represent Belarus. Even more importantly, regardlessof the scale of repressions, the Belarusian nation is not thedictator’s property. It continues to fight for its freedomand independence and could be a vital force inending Russian imperialism once and for all.
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Perhaps Poland’s own troubled relationship with Europe andEuropean values, flirtations with quasi-Russian authoritarianism,nationalism and xenophobia, underpinned by aggression,prejudice and contempt – are all symptoms of our unresolvedcontest with imperial Russia. In other words, we are notEurosceptic at all. We would truly like to be Europeans,but are restrained by unfinished business with Russia.
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After Russia’s aggression in Ukraine, people who live in Central and Eastern Europe were able to quickly assess the situation and express their empathy for Ukrainians. They felt a sense of connection with them and started to help them straight away.
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Local networks and “sister city agreements” havebecome an opportunity for local governments to expresstheir outrage directly to Russian cities or partners.Since the end of February, cities like Glasgow, Turku,Tokyo and Tallinn have suspended their relationswith their sister cities in protest of the invasion.
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Viktor Orbán’s thoughts about the Hungarianpeople almost always appear in his speeches. If yousearch for the term “Hungarian people” on Orbán’spersonal site, a peculiar universe unfolds in front of youreyes. Certainly, his target is not the liberal Budapestintelligentsia, but rather ordinary Hungarians, a groupthat Orbán knows best – and grants him victory.
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Local perspectives - What has (not) changedsince the war in Ukraine. Germany still struggles to understand its Eastern neighbours.
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Political ideologies are influenced not only bysocio-demographic factors, but also by psychological variablessuch as personal needs, social identity processes and informationprocessing. It is difficult to give a simplistic answer as to whypeople follow the ideological constructs of lies. The rejection ofinformation, the instrumentalisation of the media and the erasureof dissenting voices, as well as the creation of confusion and fear,create weaponised narratives aimed at undermining civilisationand the personal as well as cultural identity of the opponent.
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Moscow’s war in Ukraine has not only forcedmillions of Ukrainians to flee their home countrybut has also led hundreds of thousands of Russiancitizens to seek exile abroad. Among the mostpopular destinations for Russians are the SouthCaucasian republics: Armenia and Georgia.
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An interview with Mykola Semena, a Ukrainian journalistoriginally from Crimea. Interviewer: Anna Efimova
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