![Юбилейна научна сесия в Свищов. 8-10 ноември 2001 г.](/api/image/getissuecoverimage?id=picture_2002_16263.jpg)
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The personality of King Boris III occupied a central, specific place in Bulgarian political and public life in 1918-1943. Besides that, for many reasons this personality turned into an important differentiated element of the national political mythology. The paper reveals how the image of the monarch was formed in the public space during the time when he headed the State. The observations show that throughout the period under review an entirely positive image of the king predominated. Its shaping and consolidation at first began spontaneously, undirected and uncoordinated. During the mid-Thirties the cult of the king, gradually launched through the press, entered the stage of mythologizing his personality. Besides the press and individual publications to the consolidation of a generally valid royal image contributed extremely much both the existing channels of face-to-face communication and above all the King himself by his masterly public behaviour. The article is based on information summed-up from the press of that time and other sources, as well as on numerous, critically used memoir and diary information. The fundamental traits of the royal personality are indicated, not only as fixed by his contemporaries but also as they emerge from the critical reading of the sources.
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Surveys and references / Teodora Bakyrdjieva, Stoyan Yordanov. Russe. Space and History (end of XIV century - 70s of XIX century). Urban planning. Infrastructure. Buildings. Russe. Publisher "Avangardprint", 2001. 204 p.
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This paper is aimed at examining the principal events in Bulgarian history up to the middle of the 9th c. as presented in the preserved sources on the period and at outlining the most important tendencies in the formation and development of the ruler’s institution in .pagan. Bulgaria. The three elements of state building with the ancient Bulgarians, like other peoples in a similar stage of their historical development, namely territory, people and power, formed and developed in the pre-State period (up to the beginning of the 6th c.). As regards the ruler’s institution, already in the second half of the 4th c. when the Bulgarian tribes went through the flowering of what we call the stage of military democracy, gradually emerged the tendency of the appearance of khan dynasties and of transforming the power of the military leaders into hereditary. This tendency intensified in the next two centuries when part of the Bulgarian tribes occupied the territories of the future “Great Bulgaria”, and the rule of the khans consolidated further as monolithic power. The emergence, inner consolidation and territories expansion of the Bulgarian Khanate of the Lower Danube whereby a major part of the Balkan Slavs were integrated, turned the State into one of the important factors in the policy of the Eastern Mediterranean during the first half of the 9th c. The centralized State rule led to the concentration of all the levers of power - military, administrative, legislative and judicial - into the hands of the Bulgarian Khan.
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During the two thoroughly opposite periods of Bulgaria’s State rule after the Liberation - the monarchic and the republican - the Head of State emerged as the key figure in the supreme leadership and commander-in-chief of the Bulgarian Army. Although passed in different historical times and forms of administration, in the four Bulgarian Constitutions so far invariably have been guaranteed the prerogatives of the Head of State as supreme commander-in-chief. In peace time he was the supreme commander, under the Turnovo Constitution, and in war time commander-in-chief of the Bulgarian Army. By virtue of this provision of the Constitution during the monarchic period the supreme supervision of the Army was exercised by three monarchs: Alexander I, Ferdinand I and Boris III, In exceptional cases and impossibility for the monarch to exercise his duties the Constitution envisaged the appointment of a provisional institution: a regency. In Bulgaria’s State political history three times emerged situations when regents were appointed, and they assumed the functions of supreme commanders-in-chief of the Bulgarian Army. The republican form of government was adopted in Bulgaria in September 1946. The institutional changes in the highest form of State power determined also the new prerogatives of the Head of State as supreme commander-in-chief. During the totalitarian regime they were connected with the Presidium of the National Assembly and the State Council. Since the beginning of the last decade of the 20th c. when profound democratic changes were carried out in Bulgaria, the functions of Head of State and Commander-in-Chief of the Bulgarian Army have been assumed by the President and his institution.
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In the late 19th and early 20th centuries, Progressive child welfare advocates attempted to reform the lives of children living in American cities. Believing that the chaos of urban conditions hindered children's development and deprived them of their "right to childhood," they sought to bring order to the lives of children and youth by establishing institutions and organizations dedicated to education, health, criminal justice, and recreation. They also sought to educate policy makers and parents about proper nutrition and childrearing methods through publications and exhibits. Progress-era reformers did not solve these problems and many of their attitudes about the negative effects of urban life on children and youth are shared by Americans in the early 21st century.
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The present paper is an attempt at assessing the importance of dotal documents in the reconstruction of matrimonial practices. Nuptial contracts proper were not used in old-regime Romanian society. The reforms and modernising programs of the 19th Century did not introduce the use of nuptial contracts, but expanded the format of dowry documents. Initially a simple, basic inventory, the dowry paper expands into a number of ‘rubrics’ meant to strengthen its legal value in court hearings, but also to clarify a series of other aspects such as the price of items and lands, the confirmation of the son-in-law, the agreement of the parents, the authentication by a juridical instance, etc. - additional features which were meant to protect a woman’s wealth.
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In Transylvania, the period between the 1848 Revolution and World War I was one of transition and of profound political, economic and social change. As for the Transylvanian Saxons, an autonomous nation since colonization times, they became an ethnic minority. The Saxon nation also changed demographically: the urban population increased at a faster pace (61.75%) than the rural one (8.46%), with transatlantic migration as one way of taking part in the modernization process. Throughout six decades, the Saxon population increased by 18 percent, from 174,606 individuals in 1850 to over 205,000 at the end of this period. However, this increase in absolute numbers hides considerable differences in demographic dynamics between the various regions. This paper deals primarily with the population of the Northern Group (the Bistriţa-Reghin area), whose evolution does not follow the general pattern of the Transylvanian Saxons. The concerning decrease of population in these communities reflects the tendency towards a voluntary limitation of the number of children born in a family.
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A comprehensive review on Magda Ádám, György Litván and Mária Ormos (eds.): Documents d'archives francais sur l'histoire du Bassin des Carpates, Vol. III: juillet 1920-décembre 1921.
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This is the second part of a study with the above title. In the first part the author examines the nature of the compromise accepted by most Hungarian intellectuals after 1956, which he characterizes as a "compromise that rested on overt or covert falsehoods." However, a collection of texts by seventy-six Hungarian authors, covering 1001 typed pages, and dedicated to Istvan Bibo, is a testimonial to the repudiation of such a compromise. This article was received in July, 1981. Istvan Bibo was a prominent Hungarian intellectual; professor of political studies in the University of Szeged and Director of the Social Science Institute which was closed in 1949; Minister of State in the Imre Nagy government; arrested in 1957 and sentenced to life in prison. After being granted amnesty in 1963, he worked in a library and retired in 1971. He published The Third Road (London, 1960) and Paralysis of International Institutions and the Remedies (London, 1976). He was sentenced in 1957 for his Manifesto to the nation and a Draft on a "compromise to resolve the Hungarian question" (both in 1956), and his Recollections (1957).
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The military take-over in Poland means the defeat of communist society and its central principle — the control of social life by the political ideology of a party which considers itself the expression of workers. The conflict between the Party and society was apparent during the Stalinist era and the repression of popular and intellectual movements in the last two decades, but the Party was not simply a ruling élite. It claimed to represent the needs of society and the workers' interests. Many insisted on the common hopes of the Party and the mass of Solidarity members. But by the middle of 1981 the gap widens. As Solidarity leaders leave the Party and workers return their Party cards, Solidarity appears as a huge national and social movement, the expression of the Polish population outside the Party. By resorting to military force the Party has lost the foundations of its totalitarian power — it cannot claim to speak for society and history. The Polish situation is contrasted with that of Czechoslovakia and Kadar's Hungary. Increasingly in Poland, as in Rumania, political power plays a repressive role, faced with the growing hostility of the main workers' groups. For a long time popular movements fought an ancien régime on behalf of progress, but Solidarity has clearly shown the new thrust of a popular movement opposed to a productivist modernizing regime, in the name of human rights and freedoms. The military coup signals the defeat of a totalitarian party and a direct confrontation between power and society.
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This essay is a product of the Structural Interpretation of International Inequality Project (S3IP), Institute of International Relations, University of the West Indies, Trinidad, and was presented at the meeting on "The Future of Political Institutions," organized by the World Future Studies Federation and the Gottlieb Duttweilen Institute in Zurich, 17-19 February 1982.
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