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The analysis of the historical moment in which Serbia is currently in, with a ballast of hard recent past and with fear of uncertain future, is given through the interpretation of messages of Samuel Huntington (“The Clash of Civilizations”) and Francis Fukuyama (“The End of History and the Last Man”). In “The Clash of Civilizations” Serbia is handicapped by its belonging to the weakest of three civilizations in the Balkans, for the West civilization is extraordinary superior while the Islamic is in great uprising today. From the other side, after the breakdown of communism and foundation of parliamentary democracy and capitalistic market economy Serbia is reaching “the end of history”, according to Fukuyama’s definition of the end of history as “the end of ideological evolution of humanity”. Contemporary Serbia lacks outer and inner stability and clearly defined borders. Hard economic and social problems, unemployment and difficult situation of the poor, erosion of morals are also present. Only when all these problems are resolved Serbia will come close to “the end of history” in the sense of completion of its ideological evolution.
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U članku se analiziraju vojne operacije na području Podvučjaka i bitka za Odžak kojom krajem svibnja 1945. završava Drugi svjetski rat na europskom tlu. U prvom dijelu prezentiraju se geografska i demografska obilježja ovog prostora, a u drugom borbe koje su se ondje vodile između 1941. i 1944. s posebnim osvrtom na organizaciju obrane, ali i međusobne odnose partizana i četnika. U trećem dijelu analizira se položaj Podvučjaka u završnim borbama 1945., a u četvrtom bitka za Odžak koja je okončana padom grada 27. ili 28. svibnja iste godine. U posljednjem dijelu pokušavaju se identifi cirati lokacije logora i grobišta, ali i počinitelja ratnih i poratnih zločina nad hrvatskim stanovništvom zatečenim na tom području potkraj svibnja 1945.
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Ivan Rengjeo (1884.-1962.) lived for almost three decades in Sarajevo, from 1910. to 1938. He was highschool teacher, member of Croatian Cultural Society “Napredak” and hiking club “Bjelašnica”. In Sarajevo he published majority of his historical and especially articles on numismatics.
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Bilo je to doba gospodarskog i kulturnog procvata koje počinje uspostavom mletačke vlasti u Splitu 1409., a završava 1463. osmanskim zaposjedanjem Bosne. Trgovina s Bosnom prestala je, karavane više nisu stizale što je izazvalo krizu koja je zahvatila i Apeninski poluotok, jer su bili važni gospodarski odnosi s Dalmacijom.
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Weil die kirchliche Zeitgeschichte in Kroatien die staatlichen und kirchlichen Quellen erforscht, um zusätzliche Argumente zur Rehabilitierung von Erzbischof Stepinac und zu seiner Heiligsprechung zu fi nden, will sich die vorliegende Studie (die erweiterte und bearbeitete Übersetzung des Aufsatzes im Band “Südost-Forschungen”275) auch die anderen Ebenen der katholischen Amtskirche in Kroatien auf ihre Haltung zum Ustascha- Regime untersuchen. Der Vorwurf der Mitverantwortung der Katholischen Kirche für die Verbrechen des Ustascha-Regimes, der sich durch die im kommunistischen Jugoslawien verfassten Untersuchungen zieht, wird ebenso kritisch beleuchtet wie die apologetischen Darstellungen (überwiegend von Historikern geschaffen, die der Ustascha nahestanden oder dem Regime angehört hatten und in der Emigration die Ustascha-Ideologie weiter pfl egten); aber auch die nach 1990 in Kroatien publizierten Quelleneditionen mit apologetisch-hagiografi scher Tendenz. Der Autorin ging es nicht darum, neuerlich zu beschuldigen oder einen zusätzlichen Beitrag zur Verteidigung zu leisten, sondern darum, die These von der Kontinuität zwischen der Kirche 1941-1944/45 und jener von heute, verkörpert im Seligen Erzbischof Dr. Alojzije Stepinac, zu widerlegen. Die Katholische Kirche nach dem Zweiten Vatikanischen Konzil pfl egt – auch in der Praxis – nicht mehr den engherzigen Konfessionalismus, der alle Ebenen der kirchlichen Hierarchie 1941-1944/45 blind und unempfi ndlich für die Leiden der verfolgten Orthodoxen machte; auch der christliche Antijudaismus, aus dem heraus ebenfalls die gesamte katholische Hierarchie (auch Erzbischof Stepinac) während der Verfolgungen “die Juden” noch immer anschwärzte und für alle moralischen Übel verantwortlich machte, wird zumindest nicht mehr offi ziell toleriert (wenn er auch in katholischen “Gehirnen” noch immer steckt). Auf allen Hierarchieebenen gab es Bereitschaft zur Hilfe für die Verfolgten, aber eben auch Schweigen und Zustimmung. Schliesslich berücksichtigt die Autorin auch, dass die Möglichkeiten zur Hilfe eingeschränkt, die Wirksamkeit von Interventionen gering war – das Regime benutzte die Kirche – die Kirche liess sich benutzen und erwies sich dankbar für die Privilegien. Sie respektierte das Regime als gottgegebene Macht, und sie hielt sich an die Grenzen, die ihr das Regime setzte diente. Daher konnte sie nicht als wirksame Hilfe und Zufl ucht fuer die Verfolgten fungieren.
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Historiography of the Holocaust published in Poland in the period from the end of the Second World War and until the nineties seems quite complex. While it did not ignore the topic altogether, it avoided some topics. Especially in the period immediately after the war, Jewish historians in the Central Jewish Historical Commission in Poland engaged in research and published important pioneering studies along collections of documents. From 1968 until the 1980s. historical research on the fate of Polish Jews during the war became marginalized and was carried out almost exclusively in Jewish Historical Institute in Warsaw. Despite a large number of local studies and research on the controversial topic of Polish-Jewish relations during the war, the historiography still lacks a more theoretical study and a new synthesis of the Holocaust of Polish Jewry has not yet been written.
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unknown letters of Emanuel Ringelblum written in hiding in the bunker on the "aryan side" and sent to the jewish conspiracy in Warsaw compiled, decoded and described bu Israel Gutman
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This article aims to present the picture of Polish partisans in the accounts of Jewish survivors, based on materials from the Archive of the Jewish Historical Institute. This texts discusses the following Polish underground military formations: the Home Army, Peasants' Battalions, socialist armed groups, the National Armed Forces and the People's Guard /Army (GL/AL). In her discussion of pro-independence armed formations, the author emphasises. the feeling of danger still present in those accounts, fear of death even from the partisans. The accounts mention a number of murders as well as difficulties Jews encountered when they wanted to join partisan outfits, not to mention refusals of co-operation from Poles. Testimonies about GL/AL differ from previous ones by their “insider” perspective, as most of them come from Jews, GL partisans. Perhaps that is why they are dominated by a favourable picture of communist partisans, even though several accounts mention conflicts between the commanders and the Jewish GL partisan outfits.
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Warsaw Although numerous writings have referred to Polish-Jewish relationships since the end of the Second World War, they have mainly focused on the Polish reaction toward the Jews, whilst the Jewish position toward the Polish society was somewhat neglected. The following paper is aimed to assess the Polish image held by Polish Jews during the war as it is reflected in the Jewish Underground Press in Warsaw. Based on articles published by political parties, youth movements and underground organizations from the Warsaw Ghetto the way Jews viewed, defined and thought about their surroundings during the war is uncovered. Tracing these images raises questions regarding Jews, Poles and their relationship.
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This article is an attempt at a critical analysis of the history of the Jewish Fighting Union (JFU) and a presentation of their authors based on documents kept in the archives of the Institute of National Remembrance in Warsaw. The author believes that an uncritical approach and such a treatment of these materials, which were generated under the communist regime and used for political purposes resulted in a perverted and lasting picture of the history of this fighting organisation of Zionists-revisionists both in Poland and Israel. The author has focused on a deconsturction of the most important and best known “testimonies regarding the Warsaw Ghetto Uprising”, the development and JFU participation in this struggle, given by Henryk Iwaƒski, W∏adys∏aw Zajdler, Tadeusz Bednarczyk and Janusz Ketling–Szemley. A comparative analysis of these materials, supplemented by important details of their war-time and postwar biographies, leaves no doubt as to the fact that they should not be analysed in terms of their historical credibility and leads one to conclude that a profound revision of research approach to JFU history is necessary.
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