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The article confronts Baudelaire’s work with the perspective of Norwid’s writings through the issue of moral responsibility. The intermediary in this approach is Stanisław Brzozowski. The discussion over the (im)morality of „Les Fleurs du mal” and Norwid’s contemporary reception of Baudelaire’s writings leads to questions about the understanding of Catholicism in the era of secularization in both writers’ works, the place of evil in the world, loneliness, and the attitude to the source of transcendence. The author of the article argues that the axiological horizon disappears neither from Norwid’s works nor, in spite of appearances, from Baudelaire’s.
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In the chapter Against gravity. Paul Karl Feyerabend's strategy and autobiography Artur Hellich presents a profile of the Austrian-American philosopher and describes his academic and writing strategy. The first part of the chapter is devoted to Feyerabend’s ‘anything goes’ principle. Hellich points out the provocative rather than the serious nature of this formula and tries to defend its author against the allegations of irresponsible relativism. Then he proves the imitation of the rationalistic way of argumentation in Against Method was a form of pastiche of a serious scientific discourse. Hellich links Feyerabend’s strategy with the tactic of a ‘jester’ described by Leszek Kołakowski and argue that unfortunately Kołakowski the anti-absolutist did not see Feyerabend as his potential ally. Pastiche and parodistic strategy was also used by Feyerabend in his posthumously published autobiography (Killing Time, 1994). The close analysis of this work leads Hellich to present the Feyerabend's critique of the absolutistic and elitist demands of empiricist philosophy. Hellich argues that the criticism of science based on the neopositivist foundations finds expression in Feyerabend's ironic attitude towards the genre of autobiography. Feyerabend opposes a typical subject of an academic autobiography—a serious and distant scientist—to a character of the picaresque novel. At the same time, the traditional autobiographical scheme is replaced by a narrative of such picaresque. The key thesis of the chapter is that the reverse of the (so-called) Feyerabend’s methodological anarchism, aimed at criticizing and deconstructing the hegemonic demands of science, is the pastiche and parodistic performances and literary tricks, used both in Against Method (a ‘scientific’ thesis) and in the narrative autobiography. At the end of the chapter Hellich points out the ethical and political aspect of Feyerabend’s academic strategy of writing. He proves that Feyerabend became one of the icon of the left-wing revolution at the American universities in the sixties not by a mistake. The provocative performances and ironic strategies of writing were intended to shake the foundations of the monoethnical, monocultural and patriarchal institution of the university. For this reason, Paul Feyerabend’s strategy, close to the early postulates of the New Left movement, should be seen as a way of opposition to exclusionary academic policy and at the same time as a one of the possible ways to counteract its absolutist and elitist demands.
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Želeo bih da ovde ponudim jedan vodič za razumevanje savremenog sistema nereda, sistema rata i mira, vodič koji bi bio ilustrovan određenim istorijskim referencama. U stvari, poznavanje strategije, preciznosti nuklearnih projektila, tenkova i aviona zamaraju i najpažijivije duhove jednom mešavinom apstrakcije i monotonije, usred užasa imaginarnih plotuna. Odnos izmedu formalizma nuklearne strategije i stvarnih uloga konflikata postaje sve beznačajniji uprkos tome što, pred našim očima, istorijski događaji ponovo dobijaju svoju težinu, kao uzori za moralne snage i etička pravila koja nastavljaju da upravljaju nacionalnom politikom.
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Komunizam se srušio, ali u mnogim zemljama, koje su još do nedavno bile komunističke, svedoci smo izbijanja ratova i međuetničkih sukoba. Medutim, ni u drugim zemljama nije ništa bolje. Da li je to možda sloboda? Ne radi li se tu o iznenadnoj pomami nerazuma? Ili je to pak perverzno ispoljavanje razuma, koji je trebalo da čovečanstvo izvede iz srednjeg veka? Nijedan rat nije »sulud«. Da bismo to bolje shvatili, problematiku razuma izveli smo iz filozofije zapadnog prava. Rejmon Aron, koji je, između ostalog pisac Mira i rata međa narodima, kao i obimne studije o Klauzevicu, na svom maču člana Instituta ugravirao je mudru Herodotovu izreku: »Nijedan čovek nije do te mere lišen razuma da daje prednost ratu a ne miru«. Međutim, kada je postao predsednik Akademije političkih i etičkih nauka ubrzo je dodao: »ali to nije istina«; ta intervencija nije samo izraz njegovog smisla za paradoksalno. Na taj način, Aron je dodirnuo i jednu aktuelnu temu, kojoj je želeo da ostane veran po svaku cenu, i koja je sadržavala određen krug naizgled nerešivih, mada njemu bliskih pitanja: kakav je odnos »razuma i nerazuma u istoriji« (to je naziv seminara koji je držao početkom 70-ih godina), ili kakva je Dijalektika nasilja (kako glasi naslov jednog njegovog dela)? Razmišljanje o ratu (Rejmon Aron), razmišljanje o nasilju nas zaista dovodi do paradoksalne situacije. To je razmišljanje o nepojmljivom, ili, bolje rečeno, to je rasuđivanje o iracionalnom, a ako bismo hteli da to obrazložimo, bilo bi to opravdanje nerazuma, pridavanje legitimnosti onome što je neprihvatijivo.
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Po malodušnom protivIjenju zločinima koje su SAD i njeni saveznici počinili u Vijetnamu, može se zaključiti da javnost ima gotovo isto tako malo naklonosti prema moralnim ograničenjima vođenja rata, kao što je imaju oni koji su preuzeli na sebe oblikovanje ratne politike SAD. Čak i kada se ograničenja u pogledu vođenja oružanog sukoba brane, to se čini samo na osnovu njihove zakonske podloge; njihova moralna utemeljenost se često malo shvata. Želim da pokažem da izvesna ograničenja nisu ni proizvoljna, niti samo stvar dogovora i da njihova valjanost ne zavisi jednostavno od njihove korisnosti. Drugim rečima, postoji moralna osnova pravila rata, iako sadašnji dogovori, službeno na snazi, nisu ni blizu njen savršen izraz.
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This oral presentation outlines the notions of the political person that crystalize in the constitutional debates in Bulgaria in the nineteenth century. High standards to the moral qualities of the elected representatives and public officers have been set at the outset of the modern Bulgarian state. This historical account bears relevance to the present crisis of the image of the people in politics.
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Why Do Laws Obligate Us? Comparison Between the Theories of Legal Normativity byTseko Torbov and Hans Kelsen. According to Kelsen's famous view the validity of the constitution must be presupposed in order to preserve the “purity” of legal science - id est, to avoid the deducement of norms from facts. I compare this theory to its Cantian methodological roots and to the “legal criticism” of Tseko Torbov (1899- 1987). The pioneer of the Neokantian legal philosophy in Bulgaria tried to outgrow the Kantian doctrine of law. He introduced the lacking in Kant`s model basic legal principle, which functioned as a validating reason for all the “lawful” (real) norms. Its substance according to Torbov is justice. At the end of the article I explain the differences with the contrasts between Kelsen's and Torbov's views on meta-ethics.
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The international labour migration is an important phenomenon for both migrant-sending and migrant-receiving countries. According to the International Labour Organisation (ILO) statistics, in 2017, migrant workers accounted for 164 million of the world’s estimated 258 million international migrants (ILO, 2018). There are 234 million international migrants who are at working age which impacts on the ILO statistical data (ibid). The labour participation of migrant workers into global labour force (70.0 per cent) exceeds the total non-migrants’ participation (61.6 per cent) (ILO, 2018). However, the statistical data does not reflect the number of irregular migrant workers who participate into global labour force undocumented without a legal status. Therefore, the percentage of migrant worker participation into the world labour force might well be higher than the official figures.
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In this paper we review two qualitative interview studies, in which dilemmas of difference played a decisive role. With regard to the first study, which focused on the influence of migration backgrounds in student’s perception of Holocaust Education in Germany, we discuss several research decisions that were made to avoid methodological othering. Concerning a study on HIV risk behavior of gay and bisexual men, psychological challenges of a participatory approach that involved peer interviewers are outlined. We argue that strategies of recognition of the “other” - seen as a reflexive agent - have to be developed systematically as an ethical precondition of socially responsible research.
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U posljednjih nekoliko decenija, neetično ponašanje u organizacijskom kontekstu počelo je zaokupljati pažnju stručne i šire javnosti širom svijeta. U tom smislu, tranzicijske zemlje nisu iznimka. Štaviše, korupcija i mito u politici i biznisu u ovim zemljama kontinuirano su u žiži javnosti. Tranzicija od socijalizma ka kapitalizmu dala je podstrek promjenama u svim aspektima društvenog života, uključujući i biznis. Društvene promjene odrazile su se na promjene u organizacijskim kulturama pa su tako egalitarne, kooperativne kulture iz doba socijalizma transformiranje u kompetitivne, individualističke organizacijske kulture u kapitalizmu. Usvajanje novih organizacijskih kultura i vrijednosti okrenutih ka individualizmu, performansama i efikasnosti uvjetovale su da menadžeri usvoje manipulativne stilove leadershipa koji su prije svega orijentirani na postizanje kratkoročnih rezultata i efikasnost, pri tome često zanemarujući važnost etičkog donošenja odluka.
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The essay is a critical text tackling the clean–eating diet popularity and its negative effect on the animal rights movement due to misinterpreting veganism as a health issue and hijacking of the term vegan in the plant–based diet. Different aspects of the plant–based diet are covered taking into account the global impact of both plant–based and meat diets on the environment and worker rights in the developing and the developed countries, the way the plant–based diet and veganism are often falsely depicted as elitist, hindering inclusiveness of marginalized groups, and the role of women in the animal rights movement.
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Critical animal studies represent an autonomous interdisciplinary field which aims to explore human–animal relations through a combination of activism and scientific consideration. The uniqueness of this approach lies in exactly this treatment of the animal issue which is, at the same time, political and critical and is based primarily in the effort to denaturalize the oppression and violence committed against animals and to disprove fundamental conceptions of human–animal relations which have produced harmful deterministic dualisms in understanding the natural world, such as anthropocentrism and cartesianism. In their study of structural and social preconditions for inequality and oppression, approaches like critical animal studies, feminism, ecofeminism, environmentalism, racial and gender studies, (…) encounter many points of convergence from which to oppose the dominant discourse that produces otherness, at the same time complementing, reinforcing and building on each other in recognition of the universal character of their respective basic principles and the need for a more holistic approach which would enable these fields of study to transcend their individual limitations and blend into a single entity with a shared purpose and responsibility. This paper analyses the symbiotic connection between critical animal studies and ecofeminism and indicates to the potential of academic anarchism as a tool which opens up a space for discussion and recognition of the interdependence of animal, human and ecological issues as a response to the acute global ecological and human crisis.
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Çağdaş akademik tartışmada “posthüman” kavramı, yirminci ve yirmi birinci yüzyılın hem onto-epistemolojik hem de bilimsel ve biyo-teknolojik gelişmelerin akabinde, insan kavramının bütünsel olarak yeniden tanımlanması yönündeki aciliyetin üstesinden gelmek için anahtar bir terim haline gelmiştir. Geliştiği dönem itibariyle bu felsefi görünüm, çeşitli akımlar ve düşünce okullarını içermektedir. “Posthüman” etiketi, bu farklı bakış açılarından birini belirtmek için uzmanlar ve uzman olmayanlar arasında metodolojik ve teorik kafa karışıklığı yaratarak çoğunlukla genel ve geniş kapsamlı bir çağrışım yapmaktadır. “Posthüman” terimi, (felsefi, kültürel ve eleştirel) posthümanizm, transhümanizm (diğer akımlar arasındaki değişkenleriyle ekstropyanizm, liberal ve demokrat transhümanizm), yeni materyalizm (posthüman çerçeve dahilinde özel bir feminist oluşum) ve antihümanizm, postbeşerî bilimler ve metabeşerî bilimlerin heterojen bir görünümünü içeren şemsiye bir terim olmuştur. En çok kafa karıştıran anlam alanları ise posthümanizm ve transhümanizm tarafından paylaşılanlardır. Bu tarz karışıklığın farklı sebepleri vardır. Her iki akım da benzer konulara olan ilgileriyle bilhassa 80’lerin sonu ve 90’ların2 başlarında ortaya çıkmıştır. Her ikisi de sabit olmayan ve değişken ortak insan algısına sahiptir, ancak genel olarak aynı köken ve bakış açısını paylaşmazlar. Buna ek olarak, transhümanist tartışmada, posthümanizm transhümanist bir yol üzerinden yorumlanır, ki bu da genel posthüman anlayışı hususunda daha fazla kafa karışıklığı yaratmaktadır: bazı transhümanistlere göre insanlık, nihayetinde mevcut transhüman çağın ardından beklenen bir durum olarak, posthüman olabilmek için kendini radikal bir şekilde dönüştürebilir. Posthüman üzerine böyle bir görüş, (felsefi, kültürel ve eleştirel) posthümanizmin postantroposantrik ve post-dualistik yaklaşımlarıyla karıştırılmamalıdır. Bu makale, bu iki bağımsız, fakat birbiriyle ilişkili akım arasındaki bazı farklılıkları açığa kavuşturur ve posthümanizmin insan kavramının radikal ontovaroluşsal yeniden önem kazanması hususunda, daha kapsamlı bir yaklaşımı sunabileceğini öne sürer.
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The cases of Charlie Gard and Alfie Evans in the UK have made public the difficult nature of “medical futility” cases. The media has undoubtedly played a significant role in this global dissemination. This chapter discusses interpretations of the media role, as both ‘negative’ and ‘positive.’ Arguably, for the families, media reporting enabled widening access to avenues of support. For the medical professionals it brought abuse and declining trust, partly due to partisan and limited access to information, and an emphasis upon emotive story telling. How these conflicting viewpoints can be ‘mediated’ and ‘moderated’ in the future will be discussed.
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On 24 April 2018 it was announced that Alfie Evans was granted Italian citizenship despite the absence of any Italian lineage. The decision seemed to be based on Article 9.2 of Italian Act number 91, 1992 which allows the conferral of citizenship by a discretionary governmental decision provided there is a special interest of the State. This chapter takes a close look at this provision, known as the privilege of naturalisation, focusing on public law issues such as equity and judicial review, offering also a comparative analysis.
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Determining the best interests of children in the context of potentially futile medical intervention is highly complex and must be approached in a fully transparent manner, consistent with other areas of care. The Church of England views medical ethics through the prism of four cascading principles: affirmation of life, care of the vulnerable, creation of a caring and cohesive society, and respect for individuals. Human life is valued not only instrumentally and individualistically, but also inclusively and intrinsically. This does not make decision-making easier, but it does provide a principled, consistent guide for those entrusted with end of life care.
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Australia joined with the rest of the world in observing and commenting on the controversial debate over the fate of Charlie Gard and Alfie Evans. How Australia may have responded given similar scenarios will be explored in a number of ways. These will include considering our existing legislation, summarising the case law of comparable matters and analysing these cases in terms of issues of quality of life, professional obligations, parental versus state control and the use or misuse of media and social media in these situations.
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This chapter explores how French Law would deal with legal problems relating to minors with incurable illnesses. In particular, the rules relating to therapeutic obstinacy, advanced directives and person of confidence would be examined. The question of how to conciliate the country’s special end-of-life legislation with the legal provisions concerning minors in family law and child protection law will be analysed, as will the fundamental rules on collective decision-making procedure in end-of-life situations.
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The right to life is entrenched in the German Constitution mandating the state to abstain from unlawful incursions into human rights and to actively protect the enjoyment of human rights. Patient autonomy is derived from these basic rights. Maintaining or terminating medical support measures in end-of-life situation requires the patient’s consent which in minors may have to be decided by the courts based on the presumed will of the patient. Family values will have to be taken into account in establishing the presumed will of a child.
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