UVOD – Period austrougarske uprave

Author(s): Zlatiborka Popov-Momčinović,Zlatan Delić,Fabio Giomi / Language(s): Bosnian Publication Year: 0

Razmeđe koje će se ovdje obraditi tiče se smjene dvije imperije na prostoru Bosne i Hercegovine – otomanske i austrougarske. Naglasak će ipak biti na drugom segmentu s obzirom na obim i ciljeve knjige: ovdje se akcentuje određeni period ne težeći pri tom da se nivelišu drugi periodi s obzirom na složenost društvenog konteksta i uopće društvenog determinizma, a posebno ako imamo u vidu genealogiju okcidentalizma, orijentalizma i između njih ugniježđenog balkanizma. Kada govorimo o bh. ženi u periodu austrougarske uprave (bilo da govorimo o ženi kao takvoj, ženama kao posebnoj društvenoj grupi ili pak o ženama koje su se istakle u različitim domenima svoga rada ali i svakodnevice) ne možemo a da se ne osvrnemo na svojevrsni duh vremena na razmeđima različitih epoha.

III DIO: 1945–1990. Žene u socijalizmu – od ubrzane emancipacije do ubrzane repatrijarhalizacije

Author(s): Bojana Đokanović,Ivana Dračo,Zlatan Delić / Language(s): Bosnian Publication Year: 0

Ovo poglavlje se kontekstualno osvrće na društvene, ekonomske, političke i kulturne prilike, te svakodnevni život u Socijalističkoj Republici Bosni i Hercegovini (SRBiH), odnosno Socijalističkoj Federativnoj Republici Jugoslaviji (SFRJ) po završetku Drugog svjetskog rata pa do kraja osamdesetih godina, sa posebnim naglaskom na žensko pitanje i položaj žena. Pažnja će se posvetiti ranim socijalističkim naporima i zakonodavnim mjerama za ravnopravnost spolova i emancipaciju žena, kao i cjelokupnom društvenom napretku za vrijeme socijalističke vlasti. Pitanja pozitivnih i negativnih implikacija ovog napretka po život žena propitivat će se iz feminističke perspektive. Za čim su žene žudjele, čemu su stremile, čemu se nadale i za šta se borile, da li su uspjele dosegnuti ravnopravnost sa muškarcima u periodu bratstva i jedinstva – samo su neka od pitanja na koja će se ovo poglavlje osvrnuti. Kako je pitanje obrazovanja žena bilo posebno važno u ovom periodu, ovoj temi će se posvetiti posebna pažnja, kao i doprinosu žena nauci. Pregled prilika kad su kultura i umjetnost u pitanju, posebno književnost, slikarstvo, pozorište i film daje se kroz predstavljanje rada određenih žena u ovim oblastima. Napominjemo da su i u ovom poglavlju spomenute samo neke od žena koje su se svojim djelima, radom i ostvarenjima istakle u toku socijalističkog perioda BiH.

V DIO: Granice milenija, sadašnjost

Author(s): Elmaja Bavčić,Zlatan Delić / Language(s): Bosnian Publication Year: 0

Započeto razvodnjavanje i rasplinjavanje ženskih prava i utjecaja postignutih izlaskom žena iz privatne u javnu sferu tokom rata nastavilo se u postsocijalističkoj BiH. Tranzicija, izgradnja države, postdejtonski kontekst, kvote – nacionalne, teritorijalne, rodne, demokratizacija i ostali socijalni ugovori pokazali su se vrlo rodno obojeni kada se govori o restrukturi ženskih pozicija. U procesima ekonomske reintegracije, reartikulaciji radnih prava i ostvarivanja političke moći, mjesto i uloga žene nastavlja retrogradni trend započet sa posljednjim ratom. Glavni neprijatelji feminizma u postjugoslavenskom prostoru su državne nacionalne ideologije, na impresivan način paralelne u svome diskursu, postupcima, stavu prema ženama.

Vrhovni sud za Bosnu i Hercegovinu: razmišljanja o njegovoj neophodnosti

Author(s): Manfred Dauster / Language(s): Bosnian Publication Year: 0

Zaista je neobično da na početku analize o neophodnosti uspostavljanja jednog vrhovnog suda stoji alegorija. Ipak, može se uzeti u obzir alegorija čiji je iskaz dovoljno plastičan da bi se pokazalo kako izgleda dilema o najvišem sudu za Bosnu i Hercegovinu.

Treba li Bosni i Hercegovini vrhovni sud

Author(s): Nurko Pobrić / Language(s): Bosnian Publication Year: 0

Neposredni povod za raspravu o temi iz naslova je planirani, ali ne i održani referendum u Republici Srpskoj o Sudu i Tužilaštvu Bosne i Hercegovine, na kome su se građani Republike Srpske trebali izjasniti “šta misle” o radu ovih državnih pravosudnih institucija. Kao što rekosmo, referendum nije održan, jer je Visoka predstavnica EU za sigurnost i spoljnu politiku Catherine Ashton, povodom najavljenog referenduma došla u Bosnu i Hercegovinu (Banja Luku) i obećala, odnosno “dogovorila”(se) s predsjednikom Republike Srpske “o otvaranju strukturalnog dijaloga o reformi pravosuđa u BiH”. Republika Srpska je 27. maja 2010. godine uradila dokument za diskusiju pod nazivom “EU-BiH SSP Strukturisani dijalog o pravosuđu” za sastanak koji se trebao održati 6. i 7. juna 2011. godine u Banjoj Luci. Kako prenose Dani od 3. juna 2011. godine, u uvodu dokumenta autori iz RS-a priznaju da je reforma pravosuđa (reforma pravosuđa u BiH) već ura- đena, ali u implementaciji Strategije za reformu sektora pravde, koja je usvojena za period od 2008-2012. godine, “uočavaju se određeni problemi, posebno kada je u pitanju ustanovljavanje vrhovnog suda BiH, status i nadležnost Suda BiH i VSTV-a”. Zatim se govori “o trenutnom stanju” Državne strategije za rad na predmetima ratnih zločina. U navedenom Dokumentu ističe se da “ne postoji nijedan valjan razlog ni potreba za uspostavljanjem Vrhovnog suda BiH iz razloga što ne postoji ustavni osnov za uspostavljanje takvog suda, a i putem apelacione jurisdikcije pred Ustavnim sudom BiH (...) mogu se efikasno riješiti slučajevi, između ostalih i nejednaka primjena prava i zaštita ravnopravnosti građana. Uostalom, s razlogom se pozivamo na član 123 Ustava RS-a koji kaže da Vrhovni sud RS-a obezbjeđuje jedinstvenu primjenu zakona”. Baveći se Ustavnim sudom BiH, u Dokumentu se izvodi zaključak da “Ustavni sud BiH ne može odlučivati o pitanjima koja su u isključivoj nadležnosti Ustavnog suda RS-a iz razloga što je Ustavom RS-a propisano da su odluke Ustavnog suda obavezujuće i izvršne na teritoriji RS-a i da izvršenje odluka Ustavnog suda obezbjeđuje Vlada RS-a.” U Dokumentu su posebne kritike upućene na rad Suda BiH “što retroaktivno primjenjuje Krivični zakon”.

The Taiwanese Dimension of the Cross–Strait Equation after the Sunflower Movement

Author(s): Krzysztof Kozłowski / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

For over five decades Taiwan was predominantly perceived by the international community as a function of regional balance of power network in East Asia and of the United States and People’s Republic of China relations. However, after almost 30 years of democratic change, Taiwanese internal politics is slowly growing out of the diplomatic cross–strait framework and Beijing–Taipei economic rapprochement scenarios. The Sunflower Movement protests and November 29th, 2014 defeat of ruling Kuomintang in local elections indicate an introduction of a new variable – Taiwanese society – in cross–strait formula.

The Economic Relations of the United States and China over the Years 2005–2015

Author(s): Przemysław FURGACZ / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

The author concentrates in the paper on the trade and financial relations between the United States of America and People’s Republic of China over the period 2005–2015. The growing interdependence of the two leading economies on the Western (the US) and Eastern (China) hemispheres undoubtedly is a salient factor in global economy that needs to be scrupulously studied. The geoeconomic competition between the two states overlaps the concomitant geopolitical rivalry. It is one of the most germane phenomenon in the global economic and political relations of the contemporary world.

Changes Within the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea’s Society: Involvement of the Non–Governmental Actors

Author(s): Miloš Procházka / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

Non–Governmental Organizations (NGO) activities in the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK) are specified by missing mutual diplomatic representation between the two Koreas, and also between the DPRK and the US. This fact helps to increase the importance and prestige of NGOs, the role of individuals and groups in cultural, sport and civic exchanges when participating in mediation of humanitarian and development aid to the DPRK. The entrepreneurs, who are willing to invest in DPRK (despite the adverse conditions) and employ North Korean workers, play an irreplaceable role as well. A summary of these activities provides an overall picture of the presence and impact of non–governmental actors.

Politicians’ Role in Foreign Policy Making in Japan before the Central Government Reform

Author(s): Karol Żakowski / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

The decision–making process in Japan has been characterized by extensive powers possessed by the bureaucrats who often overshadowed their political superiors. Foreign policy making was not an exception. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MOFA) boasted strong control over Japan’s diplomacy. While the role of civil servants was theoretically limited to the implementation of the decisions made by politicians, in reality the administrative staff used a range of informal sources of power to act as arbiters of state matters. Only after the entry into force of Hashimoto’s administrative reform in 2001 did top–level decision makers gain new institutional tools that helped them to conduct an independent foreign policy on a more regular basis. Without denying this conventional wisdom, I argue that the politicians could occasionally play a significant role in Japan’s diplomacy even before implementation of institutional changes at the beginning of the 21st century. Under special circumstances, prime ministers, chief cabinet secretaries and foreign ministers were able to exert a considerable influence on the course of foreign policy, sometimes even changing its direction. Up to the 1990s the most influential figures in the government had enough authority to overcome the domination of the bureaucrats and impose their own will on MOFA.

Political Leadership and the Security Policy: Negotiations on the US Military Bases in Okinawa under the Murayama and Hashimoto Cabinets

Author(s): Beata Bochorodycz / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

The problem of the US military bases, including the relocation of the Futenma military air station and a construction of a Futenma replacement facility (FRF) in Okinawa, has been a difficult and contested issue in Japanese domestic and foreign affairs for decades. In November 1995 Prime Minister Murayama and Vice President Al Gore established a Special Action Committee on Okinawa for deliberation on the reduction and realignment of the military bases. In April 1996 President Clinton and PM Hashimoto decided on the relocation and construction of the FRF in the prefecture within five to seven years. As of 2015 the prospects for implementation seem dim, especially after the electoral victory of the anti–base governor Onaga Takeshi in November 2014. This article focuses on the decision–making process under two consecutive prime ministers, Murayama and Hashimoto, since it was during their premiership that the issue was set on the agenda and decided upon. The article argues that on one hand PM Murayama made several important decisions, but lacking enough experience and power as a minor coalition member, as well as due to short term in office, was not able to supervise implementation of his decisions. On the other hand, PM Hashimoto did exercise strong leadership in regard to Futenma Air Base, but as the LDP president his decisions run along the general policy of Ministry of Foreign Affairs, who is in charge of the foreign policy formation on daily base. Furthermore, the American side agreed to the relocation since the benefits – a new and technologically advanced facility for the US army, entirely paid by the Japanese government, outweighed the hardship of the transfer. In the entire process, the Okinawan community, demanding removal of the bases outside the prefecture, was not consulted and hence the ongoing opposition to the US bases and FRF.

Organizacja Bezpieczeństwa i Współpracy w Europie

Author(s): Agnieszka Bieńczyk-Missala / Language(s): Polish Publication Year: 0

Lewicowość i prawicowość: uwarunkowania autoidentyfikacji politycznych w krajach Europy Wschodniej i Zachodniej

Author(s): Adrian Wójcik,Aleksandra Cisłak / Language(s): Polish Publication Year: 0

Свободата на сдружаване според Търновската конституция (1879-1912)

Author(s): Alexandra Aytova / Language(s): Bulgarian Publication Year: 0

The freedom of association is not unfamiliar legal construction for the Bulgarian public life. It's foundations were established before the Liberation of Ottoman rule, and it's existence was inevitable mark of Bulgarian culture identity. Although the freedom of association wasn't incorporated in the Russian project of Bulgarian constitution, the father founders managed to validate it as a fundamental freedom. Thus until 1912 the latter showed it's potential and that was one positive aspect for the political and economical development of our state.

Принципът на правовата държава в правния ред на Европейския съюз

Author(s): Hristo Hristev / Language(s): Bulgarian Publication Year: 0

The principle of the rule of law is a fundamental element of the legal order of contemporary democracy. Even though it has been created on the basis of international treaties, the European Union is affirming as new type of organization of public authority, in whose legal system a series of manifestations of the rule of law find their expression. Through the case law of the Court of Justice of the European Union and through series of amendments of the Founding treaties, the principle of the rule of law turns into a state of constitutional character for the legal order of the EU, determining both the legality of the acts of the European institutions and the belonging of the member-states to the Union.

Ewolucja zasad udzielania pomocy publicznej po rozszerzeniu UE w 2004 roku

Author(s): Adam A. Ambroziak / Language(s): Polish Publication Year: 0

Przed rozpoczęciem perspektywy finansowej na lata 2007–2013 miały miejsce zmiany w prawie pomocy publicznej. W 2012 r. Komisja Europejska przystąpiła do reformy zasad udzielania pomocy publicznej z wizją ich dostosowania do problemów, jakie pojawiły się w związku z kryzysem gospodarczym, do oczekiwań sformułowanych w strategii Europa 2020, a także założeń wieloletnich ram finansowych na lata 2014–2020. Głównym celem niniejszego opracowania jest ocena zbieżności celów obu reform z interesem i praktyką udzielania pomocy publicznej w Polsce. Ponadto zostanie zbadana struktura pomocy publicznej w Polsce po akcesji do UE w porównaniu do sytuacji w innych państwach członkowskich oraz zostaną wskazane najbardziej wrażliwe kwestie związane z dysponowaniem środkami publicznymi w trakcie nowej perspektywy finansowej na lata 2014–2020.

European Union and Turkish Migration Policy Reform: From Accession to Policy Conditionality

Author(s): Birce Demiryontar / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

The EU typically exerts influence on domestic policy change in Turkey through accession conditionality. The main shortcoming of this reform framework is its interconnectedness to the country’s accession process, when the country’s prospects for membership are losing their credibility. This loss of credibility, leads to a halt in the EU induced policy change, though migration policy area presents a deviation from this trend. In the absence of a credible membership prospect, in 2011, the Law on Foreigners and International Protection was drafted, and ratified by the Parliament on April 2013. Subsequently, in December 2013 Turkey and the EU have signed the readmission agreement in parallel to the introduction of the road-map to visa liberalization. The main reason behind this commitment to the EU induced reform agenda, is the successful detachment of the migration policy area, from the accession conditionality by establishing its own policy conditionality. This paper claims that in the EU accession negotiations where the parties were stuck in a deadlock, persistence in using the accession conditionality as an incentive has been counterproductive. With the visa liberalization road map, the EU introduced an external incentive specific to migration and set a more approachable target than accession, which ensured the sustainability of the reforms.

Post-Immigration Policies in Turkey: Integration versus Harmonization

Author(s): Gülay Uğur Göksel / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

Turkey has been perceived and studied as an emigration country for decades in the policy and the academic circles. However, due to its growing economy, geopolitical location, and EU accession process, Turkey is slowly turning into an immigrant receiving country (Kirisci, 2009; Icduygu et al., 2014 and Tolay, 2012). “From the very first waves of Iranians (after the 1979 revolution) and Iraqis (in 1988 and 1991) to the much diversified migratory field of the early twenty-first century (refugees, illegal migrants, circular migrants, transit migrants of different origins), Turkey has become a country of large-scale, continuous and complex immigration” (Tolay, 2012, p.2).

Refugees of a City: The Socio-Spatial Impacts of Those Syrian Refugees who Arrived in Izmir, Turkey

Author(s): Arife Karadağ / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

In the last century, hundreds of thousands of people from the Balkan wars (1912-1913), from the population exchange between Turkey and Greece (1923- 1924), from the Balkan countries (1950-1951 and 1978-1979), from Bulgaria (1989), from the Eastern and South-eastern Anatolia Region (the 1990s), and finally from Syria (as of 2012) left their homeland through forced migration and settled in Turkey. One of the cities most affected by this process is İzmir - the third biggest city of the country. Those people who venture migration merely to live and for a safe future deal with an inhumane life such as poverty, pressure, and otherization in the places where they go. There is no doubt that each migration flow also negatively affects the labor processes in cities, the urban infrastructure, and the socio-economic life of the city.

Türkiye’deki Suriyeli Çocuk ve Gençler: Mevzuattan Uygulamaya Karşılaşılan Sorunlar ve Çözüm Önerileri

Author(s): Hıdır Düzkaya,Erdinç Yazıcı / Language(s): Turkish Publication Year: 0

Kişilerin yada grupların sembolik, coğrafi veya idari sınırların ötesinde yeni yerleşim alanları ve sosyalliklere doğru hareketi olarak tanımlanabilecek göç, çoğunlukla homojen olmayan iç dinamikleri nedeniyle göç alan toplumların yaşamlarını değiştirmekte ve şekillendirmektedir (Özkarslı, 2014: 7). Göç ile ilgili birçok farklı sınıflandırma yapılmasına rağmen, ana planda beş farklı kategori altında incelenebilmektedir. Bunlar arasında göçün hedef aldığı coğrafyaya göre iç veya dış, zamana göre kısa veya uzun süreli, iradeye bağlı olarak gönüllü veya zorunlu, büyüklüğüne göre bireysel veya kitlesel ve yasalara uygunluğuna bağlı olarak düzenli veya düzensiz göç kategorileri öne çıkmaktadır.

Understanding Policy in Immigration

Author(s): Simeon S. Magliveras / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

Policies have become a form of social institution and are tools which governments use to organize contemporary societies (Shore and Wright 1995) . The intensions and functions of organically formed institutions evolve as the social/biological environment changes through time but, policy in its genesis has specific intensions. Post-modernist thought avoid the nature of policy because it focuses of the individual and the individuals' ability to usurp power structures by avoiding categorization (Kirtsoglou 2004; Butler 2005). However, the nature and purpose of policy is to essentialize and categorize people and define subjects' access to power structures and determine individuals' roles and statuses in society (Shore and Wright 1995; Haines 2013). Thus, individuals are defined, enabled and limited by the categories policy imposes on them (as Citizen, refugee, legal/ illegal immigrant, etc). Thus, deeply embedded in policy are the cultural norms and ideologies, which help us understand power rhetorics and meanings of a society.