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The article describes the possible results of socialization of young people in times of social and political crisis. The factors that affect negatively the socialization of young people. Highlights the impact of the mass media as an agent of socialization, which can bring destructive component and a negative impact on formation of personality of attitudes. Concluded that the result of socialization of young people in the period of social and political crisis in the community may be the assertion in the minds of the negative social and political orientations, deviant behaviors, formedness high level of aversion to certain nationalities and to their own countrymen in the regional aspect.
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In Knowledge of contemporary Kingdom of Hungary (Notitia Hungariae Novae) written in Latin, Matej Bel (Mathias Belius, Bél Mátyás) gives a detailed geographic, historical and ethnographic description of particular Hungarian counties from the position of 18’s century man (the project of his Knowledge is dated at 1723 – 1749). Ethnic identification and naming of inhabitants of particular counties and seats are part of this description. Ethnonyms Hungari, Germani and Slavi are the most frequent, but he also identifies members of other ethnic groups who lived in researched area: e.g. Bohemi, Moravi, Poloni, Croatae etc. However, the interpretation of these terms is not unequivocal in all cases. The most of questions are connected with understanding of ethnonyms Hungarus and Slavus. In the first case, Slovak historiography oscillates between political understanding (natio Hungarica, i.e. in the meaning of Hungarian citizenship) and ethnical (e.g. lingua Hungarica). In the second case, according to historical connections, we come across interpretations from the general name Slav to entirely specific Slovak. However, using these interpretative rules in Bel’s work is not always unequivocal. Bel uses ethnonym Hungarus in the opposition to other ethnonyms as a distinctive characteristic. Slavi, who are perceived as a part of Hungari, are exception (expressed by stressing of nostri Slavi). Subsequently, he assignes ethnic features to them (language, customs and history), which stresses their equality with Hungarians, who created common state with them. Bel also does not distinguish differences between terms Slav/Slovien and Slovak (that ethnonym we found in one case in the Latin form Slowakus). Only in exceptional cases, he uses specific term Slavinus that is equal to Slavs (Venedi Slavique). The starting point of his argumentation is the continuity of Slovak ethnic group since the times of Great Moravia.
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The personality of Janos Esterhazy, a Hungarian minority politician in the period of interwar Czechoslovak Republic and in the Slovak State, is not an unknown element in the history of historiography. Difficulty in evaluation of his political activities is one of the most typical examples of different views of the Hungarian and Slovak historians. This contribution points to the state of reflexion of this personality in the Slovak historiography with the professional works of historians with an attempt to interpret the historical correlations binding to Esterhazy, focusing on his post-war destiny. An overview reveals that this part of his life is expressed by Slovak historians as a tragic personal and political chapter but they proclaim that an inadequate punishment does not qualify the historians to look at him as a symbolic person without critical reflection.
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The study is based on little-known documents (Bulgarian, Greek and Turkish) for demographic and ethno-religious state of Gorna Dzhumaya area during the period 1879-1902, i.e. before the Gorna Dzhumaya uprising.
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This essay reviews the copious scholarship on nationality policies and interethnic relations in Russia that has been published in the West since the fall of the USSR. Emphasizing English-language scholarship, the article examines the influential conceptual frameworks and key themes taken up by North American and Western European specialists in the study of Russian nationality questions, both in regard to the Russians themselves as well as the other nationalities living within the Russian Federation. The principal conclusion offered is that Western scholarship on nationality issues in post-Soviet Russia underscores the profoundly ambiguous legacy left by the Soviet period in the national arena.
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Few years ago an altar was found in Banja Malishevës. From the inscription on it it’s understood that the monument was raised by the member of Roman army called M. Ulpius Saturninus, and it was dedicated to the Greek goddess of reverence, justice and protector of mineworkers, gladiators and soldiers Nemesis. Due to the couples of Roman consuls mentioned in the inscription the monument was raised in 250 BC. Previous found altars in Mitrovica e Kosovës, Soçanica and Scupi were dedicated to the same goddess. According to the data that the inscriptions offer, we can come to a conclusion that the honoring of goddess’s Nemesis’ cult was spread in Dardania from Rome during the 2nd century AD, existed until the middle of the 3rdcentury, geographically was limited to Northern part of ancient Dardania (southern part of today’s FYR of Macedonia and a large part of Kosovo), mainly in urban regions, while the dedicators of the altars were mainly members of Roman army, respectively of the legions IV Flavia (quarta Flavia) and VII Claudia (septima Claudia) and high officials of Roman state administration in Dardania.
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In the first part of this work are elaborated general information about the extent of households with patronymic Gjini who had managed to preserve it during the medieval Slavic and Ottoman reign. In the second half, shall present some archival data and historical sources that speak of the genesis, branching and activity of the noble family of Eric Jashar Pashë Gjinolli, that are believed than his origin derived from one of two noble families of medieval Christian Albanian catholic confession from Nova Brdo, bearing the patronym Gjini. It determined that the autochthonous of families and Albanian population clearly show the dopamine’s that have been created as medieval settlements with appellations of Albanian brotherhoods, such as: Muzaq, (year 1318), Shen Gjinova, Gjonça, Gjinofc, Spanaj, Mzrekaj, Leshofc, Tanush, Kastrat, Plaakiç, etc., that all were in the area of– Toplica, Prokuje Kushumli, Leskofc, Vrannje and Nova Brdo. Settlements that existed before the invasion of Kosovo by Slavs, well before the 13th century, when it was still under the Byzantine Rule. The first noble families of Gjinaj are first mentioned in Nova Brdo, then first we are referring to a document of Dubrovnik archive, which dates from 1382, we find the first evidence of this family trail, stating that: Dhimiter Dronçi and Presbitër Gjini son of Gjergji, from Novobërda had debt to Jak Gunduliq 25 golden ducat. In another document of the year 1398, the widow of Prince Lazar, Countess Milica sends a letter to Dubrovnik, which bears a person's name called Gjergjashi, Customs inspector from Nova Brdo, in her service. Albanian shape name, shows clearly that he was Albanian, and this fact is proved by his brother which is mentioned also in the document as Ghincho (Gjin) Nicholich de Nouaberda fradelidel Gergas. (Gjin Nikolla brother of Gjergjash), from a noble family from Nova Brdo.
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Throughout the history of the world the impact of religion on literarature and musical creativity is very well known. Many of the world's masterpieces in literature and music had as the primary inspiration the mystical connections of humans with the creator. Such an influence, in the musical creativity of composers like Mozart and Beethoven had the Sufi orders of Mevlevi and Bektashi. Whereas, Sufism had a greater influence in the Albanian spiritual culture, especially the Bektashi order. Consequently, a large number of works written in Albanian language with Arabic script were a product of the influence of Bektashi and other Sufi orders.
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The 1912 was as critical a year for the Albanian people in Albania and Kosovo, as it was for the Ottoman state. On one hand, the Albanians addressed their efforts, rallies and insurgencies against the Turkish government. On the other hand, the Ottoman parliament and the Sublime Porte undertook violent behaviour and measures to answer them. The new elections were ruled with "a rod of iron", which limited the democratic rights and resulted in having MPs only from the "Union and Progress" Party. Such results prompted the Albanians from all the regions to take action and organize a nationwide uprising. In May, the uprising had spread throughout Kosovo as well. The uprising culminated with the Assembly of Junik made by fay and an overall program for the Albanian insurgency was drafted. The uprising, then, spread in all parts of northern and southern Albania. Later, the insurgents were joined by Albanian soldiers who had deserted the Ottoman army. Ottoman parliament debates and discussions were tough throughout 1912. The general Albanian uprising led the Ottoman government on a cul-de-sac. Such aggravated was the situation in Albania and that overwhelming were the debates in the Ottoman Parliament, that led to the fall of the government of Said Pasha. The Sultan would then order Gazi Ahmet Muhtar Pasha to create a new government which would oppose the unionists. Instead of seeking a military solution, Gazi Ahmet Muhtar Pasha directed the government to an agreement that would be reached through negotiations with the rebel Albanians. This act would give a heavy blow to the group "Bashkim e Përparim" otherwise referred to as "Union and Progress" (CUP) and will strengthen the position of Gazi Ahmet Muhtar Pasha’s cabinet. The proliferation of the uprisings in Albania made the Ottoman Government seek ways out to determine the situation in the region, but originally getting to know the requirements of the inhabitants of the region. On July 17, 1912, the Chamber of Deputies (Meclisi Mebusan) assigned the Commission of Inquiry the task to go and verify the events and launch talks with rebel Albanians. Talks started on in Pristine, on August 2, 1912. Hasan Prishtina,who presented demands for autonomy to the President of Ottoman parliament delegation Suleiman Pasha, would chair the talks for the Albanians. The Government Commission repudiated the demands, the talks broke down acrimoniously and Albanian leaders addressed the liberated city of Ferizaj. The parliament in Istanbul was dissolved and the Sublime Porte appointed General Ibrahim Pasha to start talks over. On August 9, 1912, Ibrahim Pasha met with the leaders of the uprising in Kosovo. Hasan Bey Prishtina presented him a memorandum with fourteen demands made by the insurgents. Hasan Prishtina demands represented the will of all Albanians, and such authorization was issued by the representative committees of central and southern Albania. Albeit the autonomy was not directly asked, if these demands were accepted, the autonomy of Albania would be de facto declared. Being at the verge of the Albanian insurgency further expansion, the government of Muhtar Pasha accepted verbally the demands of the Albanians with some amends on August 18, 1912. Although the 14 points acknowledged by the Ottoman government sanctioned no recognition of autonomy, the Albanians began to give a broader understanding to the granted concessions and made efforts to fulfill their aim: the self-governing. In some areas in Kosovo, efforts were made to establish the Albanian administration. The population expelled Ottoman officials and appointed Albanians in their place. The end of the uprising, the liberation of Skopje, and Ottoman-Albanian talks in Pristine brought about major concerns to the Balkan governments. This led to the intensification of diplomatic strategies, secret alliances between Balkan countries, and in the acceleration of preparations to attack the Ottoman Empire. On October 8, 1912, the Balkan War broke out. The allied Balkan states sequentially declared war on the Ottoman Empire. With the outbreak of the Balkan War, when the Ottoman rule in the Balkans was ending and Balkan armies had conquered most of the Albanian territories, leaders and activists of the National Movement filed an urgent task: Albania final secession from the Ottoman Empire. The matter of the country’s fate grew more and more serious, the attitude and the means to secure Albania from the catastrophic situation that was threatening the Empire were the focal issue. On his way to home, Ismail Kemal and the delegation accompanying him stopped in Trieste, where they sent telegrams to and from every corner of Albania. Albanians responded to the call of Ismail Kamal and local committees and declared independence one after another. Patriots raised the national flag in all Albanian territory and also elected the delegates to the Assembly of Vlora. On November 28, 1912, the National Assembly started its session in Vlora. The Parliament decided the declaration of independence of Albania and all delegates signed the historic act of this major event for the entire Albanian nation. The Declaration of Independence ended the 435 years of Ottoman rule in the Albanian lands. Obviously, the attitude of the Turkish Government was negative by rejecting this claim, and stated that "Albania is safe only if it becomes a vassal of the Ottoman Empire with a Turkish prince of the imperial family ruling it." This problem in Turkish-Albanian relations will continue to be present even in the later years where the Young Turks would attempt to bring to power a Muslim prince in connection with the Ottoman dynasty.
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Kadri Minushi was born in Damanek (village of Malisheva) in 1903. He comes from a prominent family from Llapusha. His father Minushi was killed in 1919 for patriotic activities. Kadria was and act against agrarian reform and Colonization of Kosovo. During the period between the two World Wars he played an important role in the survival of Albanian culture, in particular by the illegal distribution of Albanian books from the Albanian consulate in Skopje. He also contributed in the throne of Kolloshan, fighting against Serbs. Cooperation with partisan forces in Albania and hope for national freedom from Serbo-Montenegrins convinced him that he had to support Fadil Hoxha and partisan forces, hoping to liberation and national unity. Seeing that they have been betrayed he was alongside nacional-democratic forces hoping that situation will change in favor of Albanians. ONDSH's committee for the region of Rahovec was formed in March 1945, the so-called "Democratic committee for the district of Rahovec" where Kadri Minushi was active member. On May 14th 1945 when he was arrested he was in a meeting implementing directives of Albanian national committee. He was sentenced to 20 years imprisonment, suffered imprisonment sentence in prison in Sremska Mitrovica. After his release from prison he was always followed by state. He died on 28 November 1988.
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Naser Ferri: Qasje e re e trajtimit të besimeve dhe mitologjisë së provincave Danubiane dhe të Ilirikut, Culti e religiosità nelle province danubiane, Ferrara 20‐22 Novembre 2013, a cura di Livio Zerbini, Atti del II Convegno Internazionale, Publicazione del Laboratorio di studi e ricerche Antiche province Danubiane, Università degli studi di Ferrara, Dipartimento di Studi Umanistici, Bologna 2015, f. 749. Kristina Džin: Mitologjia që ende jeto, Prof. dr. sc. Naser Ferri, Živa mitologija‐Living Mythology, Zagreb 2015, 352 f. Arianit Buqinca: Të dhëna të reja nga hulumtimet mbi Ilirinë jugore dhe Epirin në antikitet, L'Illyrie Meridionale et l'Epire dans l'Antiquite V: Actes du Ve colloque international de Grenoble (8‐11 octobre 2008). Volume I & Volume II. Paris 2013, f. 790 Memli Krasniqi: Virgjil Kule, Gjergj Kastrioti Skënderbeu ‐ Kryqtari i fundit Qerim Dalipi: Feti Mehdiu, Reflektime të luftës së shqiptarëve për pavarësi 1389‐1999 ‐ në burime orientale, Prishtinë, 2012 Hysen Matoshi, Nehat Krasniqi: Një histori për shkollën dhe edukimin (Jani Sota, Historia e shkollave dhe ideve për edukim në botë: nga zanafilla deri në ditët tona, Extra, Tiranë, 2015, f. 864) Daut Bislimi: Libër që erdhi në kohën e duhur, Mr. Nuridin Ahmeti, Krerët fetarë në Lëvizjen Kombëtare Shqiptare në Vilajetin e Kosovës (1878‐1912). Botoi Instituti Albanologjik i Prishtinës. Prishtinë, 2011, f. 301 faqe Ardita Hajdari ‐ Buqinca: Një botim i veçantë i Institutit të historisë për, Kryengritjen e vitit 1910 në Kosovë (“Kryengritja e vitit 1910 në Kosovë”, Instituti i Historisë i Prishtinës, Prishtinë, 2012.) Daut Bislimi: Doracak me peshë historike, Dokumente të Shoqërisë Biblike Britanike dhe përtë huaj (1816‐1912)”, Dr. Memli Krasniqit dhe MA Armend MehmetitMemli Krasniqi: Vështrim kritik mbi librin “Historija e Shqypnis”, Dom Ndoc Nikaj, “Historija e Shqypnis”Daut Bislimi: Një vepër e rëndësishme publicistiko‐burimore, Qerim Lita, Lidhja Kosovare në SHBA dhe Jusuf Azemi (Dokumente sekrete Jugosllave 1971‐1990) Daut Bislimi:Bibliografi me interes për shkencën albanologjike, Sadik MEHMETI‐Nuridin AHMETI, 1) Bibliografi e revistës “Vjetar”‐i (1965‐2015), Prishtinë 2015, 427 faqe dhe 2) Sadik Mehmeti‐Nuridin Ahmeti, Bibliografi e botimeve të veçanta të Agjencisë Shtetërore të Arkivave të Kosovës (1965‐2015), Agjencia Shtetërore e Arkivave të Kosovës (1965‐2015), Prishtinë 2016, 278 faqe Kosovar Basha: Kristo Frashëri, Jeta e një historiani, Akademia e Shkencave e Shqipërisë, Tiranë, 2014, fq. 457 Mrika Limani: Sanije Gashi ‐ Serbian Crimes in Kosovo 1998‐1999: Appalling true stories of Albanian women's suffering told first‐hand (Histori të tmerrit 1998‐1999 – Dosje krimesh të luftës, rrëfime të grave) Sadik Mehmeti, Nuridin Ahmeti: Pesëdhjetë vjet publikime arkivistike në Kosovë
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U Centru za kulturu u Mostaru 11. januara 2017. godine predstavljena je knjiga Andrićevstvo: Protiv etike sjećanja (Beograd: Clio, 2015). O knjizi su govorili profesori Univerziteta u Sarajevu Senadin Lavić, Sanjin Kodrić, Krsto Mijanović i Vahidin Preljević; profesor Univerziteta u Tuzli Mirsad Kunić i viši asistent Univerziteta u Mostaru Nerin Dizdar. Govori sudionika u izvornom obliku dostupni su na internetskoj stranici: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=AoXUwYl4viE
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The article deals with modern rites of premarital and marriage ceremonialism, their functioning in Odessa area. Respondents with different intervals of residence in this area were taken in to the attention; all of them have with higher education, mostly pedagogical and medical. Based on the field study the analysis was made of what ceremonies were still kept in the XX century and what new cultural and spiritual legacy were formed. The cultural identity of Odessa residents was described, which testifies to the keeping of the elements of the traditional rites.The partial representation of everyday life as an element of the national integrity and identity leads to attempts to describe and track changes in the lives of citizens upon the beginning of the XXI century. The objective involves discovering the customary law in a modern Ukrainian family, exploring household activities. These elements of life cannot be imagined without the customs and rituals that have a direct impact on the environment in which they have their place. The article highlights contemporary ceremonies of premarital and marriage rituals, their functioning in Odessa area. Based on field research, the analysis was made as to what ceremonies the XX century kept intact, what new cultural and spiritual heritage it formed, what of the past is preserved in our days and what is not. The article reveals details of the premarital interaction ritual of the young people at the turn of the XX-XXI centuries that can be used for further research. The wedding town rituals and how they differ from the traditional ones are highlighted in their entirety.The author examines the cases that are peculiar to Odessa and which are accounted for by the multinational nature of the city. A descriptive method that was used gives the representation of the state of modern urban family with its way of life, social and domestic problems and the struggle for life, a continuous race that has not left any place and time for ethics, spirituality, culture, wisdom or morality, which was the reason for leveling the traditions. The make-up and perception of reality is changing due to the impact of globalization, the development of technology and science, political and religious changes, the influence of other cultures on all aspects of life in Ukraine. The respondents with different intervals of residence in Odessa were taken to the attention; all of them are with mostly pedagogical and medical college education. The cultural identity of residents of Odessa has been characterized, which demonstrates that elements of traditional rituals are kept intact under conditions of the transforming time.
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Along with the ethnographic natives, the attention of the Village Museum in Bucharest was focused, from the outset, on minority representation in the Romanian space, with their traits of life and the evolution of their material culture, spiritual experiences and last, but not least, with links regarding mutual cultural connections with the native population and other inhabitant minorities. Although a modest share and a hard custom culture, Guzuls’ ethnicity is real from a historical and folkloric point of view that could not be ignored by specialized museums and research institutes in history. The motivation for this research has been undertaken in Northern Moldavia, an area where the minority has been most present, the results of this research can be pursued today in exhibitions open in our museum and in specialized publications.
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Ђорђа Стратимировића (Нови Сад, 7. II 1822 – Беч, 15. XII 1908), аустријског генерала, председника Главног одбора народа српског, изабраног на Мајској скупштини у Сремским Карловцима 1848, војног заповедника Срба из Угарске у револуцији 1848. и као таквог једну од централних личности српског покрета, сигурно није потребно посебно представљати. Војну, политичку, дипломатску, јавну и публицистичку делатност, као и лично виђење сопствене улоге у бурним збивањима тог времена описао је Стратимировић у сећањима која је под насловом Успомене генерала Ђорђа Стратимировића приредио и објавио његов син Ђорђе.
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Један од кључних циљева спољне политике кнеза Михаила био је ослобађање градова од Турака. Да би га остварио, кнез Михаило је морао да разреши поједине проблеме на унутрашњем плану. Морао је пре свега да укине Устав из 1838. године, пошто је по њему Порта имала права да спречи постојање народне војске у Србији, а настојао је и да дипломатском акцијом примора Порту да уклони своје трупе из утврђених градова у Србији, као и да склопи што ви- ше савеза са суседним балканским хришћанским државама. После бомбардовања Београда 1862. године кнез Михаило је употребио сву своју вештину да уклони турску војску из утврђених градова.
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