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Medieval migrations of Serbs caused by Turkish progression were one of the reasons for mass inhabiting of the Serbs in the areas of today's Slovenia and neighbouring regions (Istra, Venice, Julianska Krajina). Estates of the counts of Celje were visited by Serbian squires. They were also inhabited by the Serbs from Lika and family traditions can tell about this. The writer has some data concerning these counts and they refer to the existence of Orthodox people in Pounje and Lika before Turkish progression. There was mass moving of the Serbs from Bosnia and Dalmatia to @umberak, Bela Krajina and [tajerska in the 16th century. Some old toponims and inhabited places have names divided from etonims Rac = Ra~ani, the Serb. The appearance of Orthodox religion in Dolenjska held up partly inhabited Serbs. Spreading of the union (Greek - Catholic) was done carefully. Assimilation of the Serbs was faster in the areas where there were less of them, for example in [tajerska. When in the 18th and 19th century Turkish threat passed, many of the Serbs became a part of majority of the people. They lost both their national identity and religion. Exceptions were only the Serbs in Bojanci and Marindol (Bela Krajina) and some intellectuals from Ljubljana.
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In previous centuries, the Serbs used to live in various urban and rural areas in Slovakia. Living together with the Slovaks and other peoples on the ground of this Slovenian country, they cherished very rich cultural and historical heritage. At the same time, it represents the bridge between the Serbian and Slovakian people.
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This article gives an overview of the historical and geographical background for the origin of folk arts and crafts – in particular – the art of painting on wood in the Nizhny Novgorod region, the study of range of factors which contributed to the formation of Khokhloma painting – the hallmark of Russian folk art – is given.
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Serbs, the best people, heavenly people, innocent lamb, democratic and patriotic people. Without concern to the circumstances, they stand behind their promises, and above all, behind the men who honestly defended their country, national heroes, as they call them. There are never enough epithets for this people who, unfortunately, is not an imaginary, but a real one, with a real country. But who are they at all, and does the world know of them?
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More than eight years ago A. A. Romanchuk, basing on the analysis of archaeological, paleobotanical and linguistic data, suggested the localization of the Dene-Sino-Caucasian Motherland in Eastern Eurasia. The “East-Eurasian hypothesis” of Dene-Sino-Caucasian Motherland had found new confirmations from the analysis of physical anthropology’s data: odontological and craniological ones.The previous results suggest the localization of Dene-Caucasian Motherland in the area of so-called “Chinese-Siberian Late Upper Paleolithic”.This article presents main results of verification of East-Eurasian hypothesis of Dene-Caucasian Motherland through the light of genogeographical data — investigations of haplogroups of Y-chromosome, first of all. The genogeographical data support the East-Eurasian hypothesis. So, we come to conclusion that the spread of R haplogroup from Eastern Eurasia into the western parts of continent, which occurred in the end of Late Pleistocene — Early Holocene, was closely related with Sino-Caucasian peoples.
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Akademiemitglied Branislav Đurđev war ein aktiver Zeitgenosse des Aufstiegs und Verfalls einer Ideologie, die sein Leben und Werk geprägt haben, Seine Arbeiten zur Erfroschung der ethnischen Geschichte BosnienHerzegowinas sind von großer Wichtigkeit. Die Bildung der Völker kann man seiner Einschätzung zufolge deuten, wenn man begreift, dass unterschiedliche historische Einflüsse, insbesondere Einflüsse der mächtigen welthistorischen Zivilisationen, die die einheitliche natürlich-ethnische Struktur, der drei Völker entsprungen sind, durchdrungen haben. Bosnien. Herzegowina ist die die “Heimat dreier Nationen, und zwei von ihnen sind Teil der beiden Nachbarnationen”. Das was sie verbindet, ist der Boden, auf dem sie “gemeinsam leben und ihre Zukunft aufbauen, weiterhin ihre ethnische Verwandtschaft, die natürlich-ethnischen Züge”. Sie südslawischen Völker haben das XIX Jahrundert mit einer ethnischen Struktur betreten, welche durch die Umbildung der mittelalterlichen ethnischen Struktur entstanden ist, was sich vom XV bis Ende des XVIII Jahrhunderts vollzogen hat. In diesem Zeitraum entsteht “im ethnischen Sinne das muslimische Volk”. Der Prozess seiner Bildung bestand nicht nur in der Annahme des Islams, sondern auch in der allmählichen gesellschaftlichen Differenzierung im Rahmen der osmanischen Gesellschaft. “Das Bosniaekntum der muslimischen Bevölkerung” erstarkte im Bosnischen Ejalet Verhältnis osmanischen Herrschaft im XVIII und XIX Jahrhundert. Die Bezeichnung “Bosniaken” wurde Đurđev zufolge für diese Muslime verwendet, wenn sie ihre ethnischen Merkmale gegenüber anderen Muslimen im Osmanischen Reich betonen wollten. In BuH kam nach 1878 im Verhätlnis zu den Serben und Kroaten das “Moslemtum dieser Bevölkerung” zur Geltung, da sie sich von ihnen durch den Glauben unterschieden hatte, der die “Trennlinie in der Bildung des nationalen Bewusstseins im serbo-kroatischen Raum wurde”. Obwohl später die Bezeichnung Moslem im bosnisch-herzegowinischen und jugoslawischen Rahmen zur Anwendung kam, war diese Bezeichnung gegenüber der übrigen muslimischen Welt nicht bestimmend. Đurđev war der Ansicht, dass die Bezeichnung “Bosniaken” für die Bestimmung der muslimischen Nation besser wäre. Bei seiner Bestimmung und Nominierung des “Moslemtums” bzw. “Bosniakentums” orientierte er sich grundsätzlich an dem Geist der Zeit, trotz seiner offensichtlichen inneren und wissenschaftlichen Dillemmata, die in seinen Texten und Äußerungen festzustellen sind. In diesen Einschätzungen war er nicht einsam, aber flexibler, weniger einseitig, vorsichtiger in der mehrdimensionalen Herangehensweise an das Phänomen des Bosniakentums als viele entschiedene Protagonisten des “Moslemtums”, die ein Jahrzehnt oder mehr später zu eifrigen Verfechtern des Bosniakentums wurden. Ohne seine Arbeiten wäre die wissenschaftliche Behandlung des Bosniakentums auf jeden Fall unvollständig.
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U svom prilogu autor izlaže ustavno-pravne, političke i druge okolnosti u kojima se Bosna i Hercegovina našla na kraju Prvog svjetskog rata u momentu pada Austro-ugarske monarhije. Analizira stavove raznih nacionalnih i socijalnih grupa prema tom stanju i solucijama koje su se nudile Bosni i Hercegovini i ukazuje na snage i načine kojima je došlo do odluke Narodnog vijeća da se Bosna i Hercegovina priključi inicijativi za stvaranje zajedničke države svih Južnih Slovena.
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The first two Romani organisations officially approved by the authorities in Czechoslovakia – the Union of Gypsies-Roma in the Slovak Socialist Republic (Zväz Cigánov-Rómov – ZCR) and the Union of Gypsies-Roma in the Czech Socialist Republic (Svaz Cikánů-Romů – SCR) – were established in 1968 and 1969. The areas of activity of the Regional Committee of ZCR in the Senica district and the Regional Committee of the SCR in the Hodonín district neighboured each other at the Moravian-Slovak border, which was the area– in the late 1960s – of the re-established border between the two partly autonomous republics of the newly federalized Czechoslovakia. During the quite short existence of both organisations (both were terminated in 1973), the aforementioned Regional Committees were not able to carry out closer cooperation. This paper aims to show the reasons why the cooperation of these neighbouring organisations did not reach the level expected by their regional officials and also tries to explain the situation in the late 1960s and early 1970s in the broader historical process of influencing the lives of Romani communities for many generations connected by a shared history, family links and common dialect of the Romani language, living in south-eastern Moravia and western Slovakia, by the often-changing politico-administrational arrangements in this area.
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Probabil că Rilke a murit din pricina unei boli banale, o boală care i-a măcinat trupul, făcându-l în cele din urmă inutilizabil. Cu toții murim astfel, trădați de mașinăria pe care o credeam veșnică. Sufletul nu ucide decât foarte rar și numai din plictiseală, alegându-și prada cu mare fast și trăgând-o după sine în ritualurile tainice ale nebuniei. Morțile noastre nu pot fi nobile, cu toate că ne-am dori o ieșire din scenă hieratică, un spectacol fellinian pus la cale doar pentru noi. Atelajul nostru se frânge de o stâncă întâmplătoare și ne aruncă în altă parte, îmbrăcându-ne în veșmintele prea largi ale uitării. Murim cuprinși de angoasă, murim fără să mai avem timp de paradă. Aplauzele pot să-i revină, în cel mai bun caz, unui regizor necunoscut.
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Momentul 1956 în România a beneficiat de o reflectare diversă în istoriografia românească, de la considerarea evenimentelor ca lipsite de semnificație, la aprecieri rezultate dintr-o cunoaștere incompletă, considerându-se că, deși „studențimea și minoritatea maghiară au fost mediile cele mai receptive pentru evenimentele din Ungaria”, nu a existat un program sistematic de revendicări1 care să traducă aspirații proprii. Ulterior s-a ajuns la prezentarea mișcărilor studențești de la București, Cluj și Timișoara drept încercări curajoase de a sprijini revolta din Ungaria.
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Diversitatea etnică a Banatului este comparabilă, în prezent, doar cu cea a Europei Centrale sau a continentului european în ansamblu. Cele peste douăzeci de grupuri etnoculturale s-au stabilit aici începând cu secolele XI-XII, iar acest interval de timp a corespuns unui continuum al întâlnirilor interetnice. Atât noii veniți, cât și românii bănățeni au participat la un proces, nici acum încheiat, de percepere, cunoaștere și în cele din urmă de acceptare a Celuilalt. Germanii, sârbii, maghiarii, croații, slovacii, armenii, ucrainenii, evreii, bulgarii, rromii, cehii sunt doar câțiva dintre protagoniștii acestui melanj etnocultural.
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I present to you the ethnical diversity in Varna during the years after the Freedom, as well as their lifestyle, culture and self-awareness, however I will first begin by telling you a short history about Varna. It is well-known that even during the Osman slavery the city maintained its commerce and strategic identity. At the time the Turkish and Greek were dominating the population, however the Bulgarians have maintained their spirit and traditions. Considering the fact that the population was very diverse in terms of religion and personal beliefs, they have managed to live peacefully for many years. There were conflicts, however none of them were due to ethnical reasons, but mainly political. The majority have managed to organise and carry out their lives without interfering with others. Everybody knew where their place was in the society, resulting in respecting and valuing other members in society accordingly – this been maintained till present days. The Bulgarian nation has always been tolerant towards “the others”, however has kept true to their roots and traditions. It is well known that our sea capital has hosted many music and dance competitions and festivals will continue to do so. Varna is a perfect example of how different cultures and ethical people can live, work and find joy together, and this should be appreciated and respected by all of us.
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Romuva is the name of the largest European ‘ethnic religion’. The name is already a problem. Peter of Duisburg (14th century) mentions it in 1326 in his Chronicon Terrae Prussiae as the still existing mysterious centre of the ancient Baltic religion, whose leader, called Krivis, had as much authority in the region as the Pope in Rome (whose name, the chronicler assured, was ‘Romuva’, which thus came from ‘Rome’).
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The title’s Nietzschean phrase effectively sums up the “identitarian ideology”, which is frequently invoked by various groups. At the core of this ideology lies the issue of memory, which is fundamental to the concept of identity. In essence, the ideology demands that ethno-cultural groups safeguard their cultural, religious, and racial distinctiveness from mixing and homogenisation, a right to “identity.” Consequently, so-called identitarian groups seek the reconfiguration of Europe on ethnic, regionalist, federalist, and, on occasion, neo-pagan grounds. This is known as ethnopluralism. Furthermore, these groups repudiate the nationalism espoused by “classical” far-right parties. In this instance, our focus is on neopagan identitarian groups that emerge from the radical right.
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The Muslim minority in Greece emerged due to the structural identity organization of the Ottoman Empire and the demographic engineering decisions made during the nation-building process. This chapter aims to analyze the situation of this minority between two significant events: the compulsory population exchange between Greece and Turkey in 1923, which exempted Muslims in Western Thrace, and the conclusion of the Greek Civil War with the victory of loyalist forces. Firstly, the impact of the compulsory exchange on the region will be examined. Then, the Treaty of Lausanne will be analyzed from the perspective of the Muslims in Greece. Subsequently, the focus will shift to the demographic changes in Western Thrace between 1923 and 1940. Finally, the chapter will address the situation of the minority during World War II and the Greek Civil War.
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