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Negausūs tyrimai rodo, kad preferencija greitai sufor¬muojamam, užtikrintam ir stabiliam žinojimui, aprašoma kognityvinio užbaigtumo poreikio (KUP) konstruktu, yra susijusi su priešiškais ir geranoriškais seksistiniais prie¬tarais (Roets ir kt., 2012). Tačiau nėra aišku, kaip šis poreikis atsispindi skirtingais – ambivalentiškos ir univalentiškos – seksizmo raiškos atvejais. Tyrimo tikslas – nu-statyti KUP ir seksizmo sąsajas atsižvelgiant į galimą lyties moderacinį vaidmenį. Metodai. Heterogeniška imtis (N = 187, 18–68 metų 108 moterys ir 79 vyrai, M = 26,73, SD = 8,53) užpildė atnaujintą Kognityvinio užbaigtumo poreikio (Roets, Van Hiel, 2007) ir Ambivalentiško seksizmo (Glick, Fiske, 1996) klausimynus. Rezultatai patvir¬tino, kad, kontroliuojant lyties efektą, aukštesni KUP įverčiai leidžia numatyti aukštesnį priešišką ir geranorišką seksizmą. Lytis moderavo tik KUP ir geranoriško seksizmo ryšį (moterų grupėje konstruktų ryšiai buvo stipresni). Skirstant imtį pagal seksizmo raišką, nustatyta, kad KUP įverčiai aukštesni tarp ambivalentiškas (skirtingai nei univalentiš¬kas) seksistines nuostatas reiškiančiųjų, taip pat kad moterų KUP įverčiai visose sek¬sizmo raiškos grupėse yra aukštesni nei vyrų. Išvados. Tyrimas parodė, kad moterims taikomi socialiniai prietarai gali būti aiškinami motyvaciniais žinojimo formavimo skir¬tumais. KUP yra aukštesnis ambivalentiško seksizmo raiškos grupėje. Rasti konstruktų ryšiai suderinami su esamais teoriniais požiūriais, kad ambivalentiškas seksizmas gali funkcionuoti kaip socialinę sistemą pateisinanti ideologija, tenkinanti episteminio stabilumo poreikį.Scarce research evidence show that preference for quick, definite and stable knowledge, as reflected in the construct of the need for closure (NFC), can be related to hostile and benevolent sexism (Roets et al., 2012). However, it is unknown whether NFC varies between different – ambivalent and univalent – sexism profiles. The aim of the present research was to investigate the relationship between NFC and sexism and to test gender as a moderator of these links. Method. A heterogeneous sample (N = 187, 108 women and 79 men, ages ranging 18–68 years: M = 26,73, SD = 8,53) completed revised Need for Closure Scale (Roets, Van Hiel, 2007) and Ambivalent Sexism Inventory (Glick, Fiske, 1996). Results confirmed that NFC can significantly predict both types of sexism when controlling for gender. Gender moderated only the link between NFC and benevolent sexism (the relationship was stronger for women). When different sexism profiles were considered, results showed that NFC is higher for those expressing ambivalent (in contrast to univalent) sexist attitudes. Also, NFC was higher for women in all groups. Conclusion. Study showed that prejudice towards women can be explained by motivational differences in knowledge formation. Higher NFC is associated with higher endorsement of both hostile and benevolent sexism. These findings are in line with the theoretical assumption that ambivalent sexism might function as a system justifying ideology serving epistemic needs for stability.
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Nors tyrėjai ir skiria gana daug dėmesio teisėsaugos pa¬reigūnų (pirmiausia policininkų) patiriamam stresui, kol kas mažai žinoma apie teisėjų patiriamą stresą. Mūsų šalyje dar nėra atlikta tyrimų, siekiant įvertinti, kiek streso pati¬ria teisėjai, kokios situacijos jiems sukelia daugiausia streso, kokias įveikos strategijas jie taiko dažniausiai. Tai yra svarbu, norint sumažinti neigiamą streso poveikį teisėjų priimamiems sprendimams, justicijos sistemos darbo efektyvumui ir teisingumo įgy¬vendinimui. Straipsnio tikslas – ištirti teisėjų dėl darbo specifikos patiriamą stresą, jo šaltinius ir taikomas įveikos strategijas. Metodika. Tyrime dalyvavo 98 įvairių mūsų šalies teismų teisėjai (65 moterys ir 33 vyrai). Patiriamas stresas buvo matuojamas mūsų sukurtu teisėjų patiriamo streso klausimynu. Viena jo dalis vertino įvairių stre¬sorių sukeliamą įtampą, kita – susidūrimo su šiais stresoriais dažnumą. Remiantis ti¬riančiąja faktorine analize, klausimyno teiginiai buvo suskirstyti į penkias skales, kurių Cronbacho α svyravo nuo 0,875 iki 0,961. Rezultatai. Didžiausią (stiprų) stresą teisė¬jams sukelia sąveika su politikais, žiniasklaida ir piliečiais, o kitos keturios situacijų gru¬pės – vidutinio stiprumo stresą. Teisėjų patiriamas stresas yra susijęs su lytimi, teismo tipu, taip pat amžiumi ir darbo stažu. Tyrime dalyvavę teisėjai dažniausiai taiko proble¬mos sprendimo, rečiausiai – vengimo įveikos strategiją, be to, kuo daugiau streso jie patiria, tuo labiau yra linkę taikyti socialinės paramos įveikos strategiją. Išvados. Re¬miantis gautais duomenimis galima teigti, kad patiriamas stresas teisėjams yra aktuali problema, kuriai turėtų būti skiriamas didesnis teismų vadovų dėmesys.Despite the large scientific interest in stress experienced by law enforcement officers (especially by police officers), it is little known about the stress experienced by judges. There has not been any research work conducted in Lithuania to evaluate how much stress do judges experience, what situations are the most stressful and what stress coping strategies they usually apply. Such studies are important for reducing the negative effects caused by stress on judges’ decision making, effectiveness of the justice system functioning and justice implementation. The aim of the study is to investigate judges’ job specific stress, its’ causes and used coping strategies. Methods. Ninety-eight Lithuania‘s judges from different type of courts participated in the investigation (65 female, 33 male). Stress was measured by our „Judges‘ experienced stress“ questionnaire of which one part was designed to evaluate the tension caused by different stressors, and the other part – the frequency of encountering with these stressors. Using explorative factor analysis the questionnaire statements’ were categorised into the five different scales, which Cronbach‘s alfa was varying from 0,875 to 0,961. Results. The largest stress experienced by judges was induced by interactions with politicians, media and citizens, while the other four groups caused moderate stress. The judges’ experience of stress is related with the sex, court type, age and work experience. They are most likely to apply the problem solving coping strategy, least likely – avoidance coping strategy. Furthermore, the more stress they have to deal with, the more likely they apply the social support coping strategy. Conclusion. The gathered data suggests that stress is a relevant topic for judges, and court leaders should give more attention to it.
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1. Lithuania is a count r y that has deep roots of local self–government. This forms the historical heritage of Lithuanian local self-government. This heritage lies in the nation’s memory and continues to influence the local governmental awareness of Lithuanian people and public policy makers. This heritage has been having an impact on the development of the local self-governmental system in Lithuania since 1990. 2. The period from 1990 to this day is an interesting, meaningful and significant period for the evolution of local self-government in Lithuania. During this period, after 50 years of being only a supplement to the central state government and an obedient executor of the state policy shaped by it, the local governmental system, varied with sham local democracy elements, has been transformed into a modern, Western–type democratic local self–governmental system. 3. The events that have taken place during this period and the nature of these events provide reasonable grounds to divide the period from 1990 to the present day into three stages with regards to the evolution of local self–government : a) 1990–1995, b) 1995–2000 and c) since 2000. 4. The first stage (1990–1995) was difficult, complex and contradictory. During the first stage the evolution process of the local self-governmental system took place in two directions: 1) abrogating the old (Soviet, socialist) local governmental system and creating a new (democratic, Western type) local self-governmental system in compliance with the provisions of the Law on the Fundamentals on Local Government adopted on the 12th of February 1990 and 2) learning from the past mistakes; analysing the experience accumulated by other countries; searching and selecting a local self–government organization model which would be most suitable for Lithuania as well as of the count r y (a group of countries) the best practice of which could be used in a creative manner. 5. During the first stage (1990–1995) for some reasons, the development of a new (democratic, Western type) local self-governmental system in Lithuania was not consistent and as successful as it sought to. Lithuania was “gradually” returning to the former times of the centralized management. Fortunately, the return to the former times was stopped by the Constitution of the Republic of Lithuania which was adopted by the people’s referendum of 25 October 1992 and entered into force on 6 November 1992.
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This study explores – through British documents – the case of the restoration of the building which housed the Church and the Anglican community in Bucharest in 1950s. At the end of the Second World War, having understood that no free political activities would have been permitted by the new local government, London concluded that a cautious but concrete propaganda activity was the appropriate response to the new situation in the country. In this context, the Anglican Church of Bucharest was deemed as a valuable stronghold, prompting the British Foreign Office to support the refurbishment works of the building. The edifice allowed religious worship activities in a country where the state was committed to reduce the local society’s way of life to dictatorial standards. In other words, thanks to the Anglican Church, the Foreign Office thought that the Romanians would remember the existence of democratic values different from those advocated by the Communists.
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Dieser Artikel behandelt die Ereignisse der Revolution von 1848-1849 im Banat und ihre Spiegelung in der deutschsprachigen Presse dieser Provinz. Zu dieser Zeit wurden in Temeswar drei periodische Publikationen veröffentlicht: das „Temesvarer Wochenblatt”, das schon seit längerer Zeit erschien und die 1848 gegründeten und zur selben Zeit erschienenen Zeitungen „Tagesanzeiger” und „Der Südungar”. Bis am Anfang der neoabsolutistischen Periode erschienen alle regelmäßigen periodischen Publikationen aus dem Banat, ausschließlich in Temeswar und nur in deutscher Sprache. Am Anfang hatten alle drei Zeitungen eine günstige Einstellung gegenüber der Revolution. Während des Monats Oktober 1848 mussten aber der „Tagesanzeiger” und „Der Südungar” ihre Erscheinung einstellen, während das „Temesvarer Wochenblatt” eine gegenrevolutionäre Stellung ab diesen Moment einnahm. Das „Temesvarer Wochenblatt” wurde noch bis Juni 1849 herausgegeben, als es wegen der Belagerung Temeswars durch die ungarische revolutionäre Armee seine Erscheinung einstellen musste.
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The present study highlights the report between religion and society and timidly attempts to make the step towards modernity at the Transylvanian Romanians in the second half of the 19th century and the beginning of the 20th, aspects concerning the organization of church life, monastic spirituality, ritual, sacred art (architecture, painting, iconography). The Romanian churches were permanently confronted, during the period 1867-1918, with the tendencies of the Hungarian governments to limit their ecclesiastic autonomy and to meddle ever more often in church, foundations and administrative problems of the religious institutions. Eloquent examples are the Trefort Law and the Apponyi Law, the legislation meant to create “the cultural zone” and many more.
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This article aims to provide some benchmarks regarding the pathways by which the young Romanians went to study in Nazi Germany. One of the objectives of our study is understanding the dynamics of the Romanian-German relations during the 1930s and how these relations influenced the student and academic exchanges between the two countries. We noted the evolution from small, short-term student exchanges, usually summer schools with obvious political and ideological character, organized by the Nazi authorities in collaboration with Christian student associations and the Legionary Movement, to institutionalized, long-term student exchanges, involving consistent financial resources and having a stronger impact on Romania’s approachment to Nazi Germany, but having a less obvious – although much more efficient – political and ideological component. Most of the Romanian young people studying in Germany during 1933-1944 did so by their own means, being supported financially mostly by their family, and probably benefiting, after 1935, from the currency benefits provided by the German state. Romanian institutions offered only a very reduced amount of scholarships, and their awarding was controversial. The Germans had a very well established system of scholarships for foreign students and the Romanian youth could receive German stipends, however not without making ideological concessions.
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Through this study I have managed to analyze a number of place names containing references to the ethnicity of the Populations who lived in that Settlement’s. The Ethnotoponym’s under investigation have been extracted from Documents issued in the 12-13th centuries, which take into account the approximate geographic area of Transylvania, Banat, Crişana and Maramureş. Along with the Toponymic and Documentary sources, in my approach I used data from Chronicles, as well as information from archaeological researches. In this article it can be seen very clearly the importance of the auxiliary sciences of history – in this case Onomastic Science – for a more profound knowledge of the existing realities in the Middle Ages in this geographical and cultural area.
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The hereby article focuses on several multimedia applications available to visitors of museums and exhibitions of historical topics. For physical visits there are several applications running on audio devices, PDAs (Personal Digital Assistants), tablets, Google Glass intelligent glasses, info kiosks. The holograms accurately reproduce the originals and/or make possible their thorough visualization, on layers. The multi- and hyperspectral scanning offers adjacent patrimony information, detected outside the visible specter. In the case of the virtual exhibitions there are the photo/video galleries, the panoramic images and the virtual tours. The 3D visualization of the patrimony is displayed on the computer, with possibilities of studying it from any angle/position, actually possible by laser scanning, by structured light or by photogrammetry, as well as the option of physically reproducing the objects by a 3D printing device. Virtual reality is also mentioned, an option by which, based on the information already preserved, it is possible to reconstruct on the computer an image close to the original of the artifacts and of historical sites decayed or destroyed. The article mentions as well the efforts of conceiving a unitary European and worldwide framework for the 3D technologies in the patrimonial field.
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Liber Chronicarum is a true encyclopaedia that includes history, philology, geography, hagiography and martyrology, ecumenical councils, religious sects and orders, biographies of those who distinguished themselves on the stage of history since the beginning of the world until the times when the book was completed. For most towns, lands, or characters – either biblical or historical – a limited number of templates was employed (645 woodcut blocks for 1809 images), consequently each block was reproduced several times. An instance of pattern employment was the repetition of the same image used to represent Hungary, Wallachia, Prussia and Saxony at a few pages distance in the text taken form pope Pius II’s work, Aeneas Silvius in Europam, Memmingen, 1440. In the 23 rows of the text accompanying the picture called “Walachia” there are several pieces of information on the geographical position of the country and her neighbors, and it is stated that the language spoken by the “Vlachs” has Latin roots and it underwent changes. Updating the information, the text mentions that there are two rival parties in Wallachia, “Dăneştii” and “Drăculeştii”, that their enmity has nefarious consequences within the context of the struggle against the Turks, as well as the part played by Iancu of Hunedoara in the victories gained in this struggle. The latter is also mentioned when Hungary is described, particularly in the part on Transylvania, which the text notes that was once inhabited by Dacians; Iancu of Hunedoara’s Romanian origin, his valiance and his many battles against the Turks are mentioned here.
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The legend of the dissident intellectual surrounds the Romanian socialists of the last quarter of the 19th century. Young men called “nihilists” would break all social taboos, would protest against the legitimacy of the era’s corrupt political institutions, and would dispute religious ethics, the monarchy’s hierarchical authority, social inequality and the claimed reputation of the university. In various socialists’ or former socialists’ memoirs, they are deemed new social apostles, with the coming of the Hereafter replaced by the imminent occurrence of the revolution, which, by the collective approach of resources, will set in motion a more harmonious and equalitarian society. Unlike the restrictive bourgeois ethics, their (self) description is romantic and legendary. The attempt in this study is to create a generic portrait of the socialist intellectual toward the end of the 19th century, focusing on his/her exterior and moral standing, but also on the specifically socializing places of the socialists.
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One can observe as studying the political and intellectual debate on representing the Hungarian national minority in the Romanian state, that already in the interwar period there had been the elements of a plural debate, several models, different perspectives and political agendas entering the public scenery, which was still trying to survive in the times of the establishment of the Communist regime. After the consolidation of the new regime, the political realities, the economic and social transformations, the opportunities and restrictive dimensions as well, all had been the results of the political inputs of a single party-state, aiming the entire society as a whole. The first part of the present study is dedicated to the specific way of political integrating of the Hungarian etno-cultural community in the Romanian state, after 1944 and up to 1960’s, a period of time that was marked also by accumulating specific experiences, that defined the Hungarian elites’ perspective upon the community’s vital interest. The second part is dedicated to the defining moment of 1968 and its impact upon the Hungarian intellectuals’ own perspective over the realities they had to meet by their public agenda. The third part is an analysis of the two different pannels of interaction between the Romanian socialist state and the Hungarian intellectuals who tried to present the options and outcries of their community in the years between 1969- 1989: on one hand, it was aimed to influence the political regime’s decision making centre through the acting of Hungarian personalities integrated in those cadres of the regime; on the other hand, one have to address also the protest groups, the phenomena of intellectual resistance, expressed also in the samizdat publications edited in Romania between 1982-1989, in Hungarian language. The above mentioned pannels of interaction had influenced also the perspective of the immediate post-1989 elites upon the solutions for the problem of integrating the Hungarian minority in the new Romanian political reality.
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This study refers to the secret project of King Michael's departure, starting in place by the vice president of the Council of Ministers and Foreign Minister of Romania, Mihai Antonescu. The project was developed in the spring of 1944 and involved in the initial phase Renato Bova-Scoppa, Minister of Italy in Bucharest. The Italian Minister tells very little about the project in his memoirs Colloqui con due Dittatori, while in the document here published are more extensive references. The project was eventually abandoned, but it shows which would have been one of the ways that the monarchy would follow if Russia invaded Romania.
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The main task assumed by tradition by the „George Bariţiu” Institute of History in Cluj-Napoca is processing and editing documents of medieval, premodern, modern and contemporary history. Our institution carries on 5 of the total 7 document collections being actually published today under the aegis of the Romanian Academy: 1. Documenta Romaniae Historica. Series C. Transylvania (vol. XVII, 1386-1390); 2. The Fiscal Conscription of Transylvania from 1750 (vol. VII); 3. The Sources of Horea’s Uprising, in 2 series: A. Diplomataria (vol. XII) and B. Narrative Sources; 4. Documents of the 1848 Revolution in the Romanian Lands. C. Transylvania (vol. XI, 6-31 July 1848); 5. The National Movement of the Transylvanian Romanians, 1849-1918 (vol. VII/1, 16 July 1863 - 19 November 1865). Methodological precision is a priority of our work, as these collections edit Romanian, Latin, Hungarian and German language documents, while the latter represent 30-40% of the last 2 collections mentioned. After a brief review of the methodological preoccupations unfolded since 1961 in order to create a coherent, unitary system of norms regarding document transcription and publishing, the study analyses the most important steps and issues observed in this process.
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Nous désirons utiliser dans cet article (Aspectele istorico-economice ale episcopiei Transilvaniei reflectate de registrul de dijme – 1332-1337; Les Aspects Historico-économiques de l’Épiscopat de Transylvanie, reflétés par le registre des dîmes) six années (1332-1337) des sources éditées de registres des dîmes, faites par les personnes envoyées par le pape Jean XXII, les collecteurs Jacobus Berengarii et Raimundus de Bonofato. Nous allons étudier les aspects historico-économiques de ces registres pour deux motifs: 1. on n’a jamais analysé ces sources d’un point de vue qui puisse présenter les raisons primordiales pour lesquelles ont été faîtes – leur côté économique; 2. parce que ce registre est beaucoup plus complexe d’un point de vue structurel et de composition que ne sont le autres registres faites par les autres collecteurs qui ont travaillé dans le royaume de la Hongrie avant 1331. Par les données présentées nous avons essayé de réaliser une radiographie complète regardant les sommes payées sous la forme des dîmes par les clercs des archidiacres de l’Épiscopat de Transylvanie vers la Chambre Apostolique pendant la période 1332-1336, donc 5 années. Nous avons pu identifier les sommes dans la plupart des cas, mais à cause des lacunes des textes, cette identification des dîmes a été possible seulement dans une proportion de 90,25%. Et si nous considérons la somme payée par le diocésain de Transylvanie dans cette période, sans les 1170 marks payés par l’évêque local, la possibilité d’identification des sommes diminue á 73%. La somme totale marquée comme collectée sous la forme des dîmes dans de cette période de 5 années dans la Transylvanie est de 1831,5 marks, qui équivalent à 449,7 kg argent (métal). Cette somme reflète la puissance économique de diocèse qui se trouve sur les bords de Societas Christiana. Le pouvoir économique de cette diocèse transylvain, qui s’élevait à 1831,5 marks (449,7 kg), représente 19,5% de la somme totale collectée soul la forme des dîmes pendant la IVe décennie du XIVe siècle dans le royaume de la Hongrie (cette somme étant: 9385 marks, représentant la valu de 2304,3 kg – 2,3 tonnes – d’argent métal). Mais la 1/3 de la somme totale était la revenue du roi Charles Robert de Hongrie (d’Anjou), donc environ 3130 marks type « poids de Buda » (768 kg argent métal), mais le reste de 2/3 a été envoyé á la Chambre Pontificale d’Avignon (1536 kg / 1,53 tonnes d’argent métal).
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Forgery of charters was strictly related to the phenomenon of writing and to the increasing value of the written document in the society. Medieval forgeries were usually fabricated within various institutions of the church, the normal environment that made use of literacy in the middle ages. In Transylvania, as well as all over Europe, not authentic acts had as purpose obtaining, enlarging and preserving unlawful rights and benefits. Researches regarding the internal structure of those documents issued mainly in the earlier medieval period demonstrate that a higher concentration of falsified acts is to be found in the 13th Century (11% of the entire surviving documents). Afterwards, this percentage paradoxically decreases to 4% or even to 1% for the following centuries. Regarding the later stage of development of the literacy in Transylvania, the Principality (16th-17th Centuries), it has to be stressed upon an obvious lack of appropriate research. A certain development of literacy in Transylvania in the latter period was followed by a wider use of various forms of counterfeit legal texts, which reached even the lower levels of society, a phenomenon that can be described as a “vulgarization” of the fabrication of official documents.
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The working paper focuses on the issue of education in Hungarian language in Romania, during the communist leadership, more specifically during Gheorghiu-Dej era. The period analyzed is one of a great importance from the perspective of decisions taken by the Romanian communist leadership in the field of education in the mother tongue, in general, in Hungarian, in particular. It is essential to know the reasons and mechanisms behind the measures adopted, especially during the end of the sixtieth and the beginning of the seventieth decades of the previous century, in order to better understand the background of some of the requests constantly expressed by the Hungarian minority living in Romania after 1989, which are supported by Hungary, as its kin-State, such as the reestablishment of a Hungarian university in our country.
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The study is based on an unpublished document of the Italian diplomacy from 1941 and it refers to an information emanating from the Italian Consulate in Timişoara. The document enlightens the atmosphere in Cluj almost a year after the Second Vienna Award. The document highlights the profound dissatisfaction of the Hungarian intellectuals from Cluj towards the authorities in Budapest and the desire of the Hungarian ethnic citizens from Cluj to return to Romania by referendum. It is said that when Northern Transylvania became part of Hungary the quality of life decreased significantly and that it was much better during the Romanian administration. The document surprised by its originality especially that coming from one of the authors of the Second Vienna Award.
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This study is focused on a topic that is less present in the Romanian historiography in recent years, more specifically the history of diplomacy under the communist regime. On the basis of a documentation made in the archives of the Foreign Ministry in Rome, here, is tackled the appointment of Mihail Dragomirescu in 1949 as the Romanian Chief of Mission in Italy. The diplomatic correspondence points out the poor professional quality that the Romanian diplomat had, his contribution to the strengthening of the communist power in Romania and also the way in which Anna Pauker, the Foreign Affair minister in Romania, is rewarding employees without any diplomatic accomplishments but with lots of failures by appointing them in key positions.
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