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Asia is a fabulous mingle of tradition and innovation, old and new, home-made and imported, a reality most visible in the architecture of big towns. The author explains how these changes have taken place in East Asia during the past two centuries.
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Reflections on the intellectuals’ behavior in front of the TV cameras, the “space of narcissist exhibitionism”, as she calls it.
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An essay on several autobiographical books of important Romanian writers –some living in exile – published in the past 14 years – one of the genuine benefits of the post-1989 December revolution decade. One of the common features of all these books is the relation between narrative and portrait.
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The correspondence between Hanna Arendt and Karl Jaspers – from which Lettre Internationale presents the letters exchanged from 1945 till 1969 – represents a valuable document both for the life and personalities of the two philosophers, and for the epoch in which they lived.
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A documentary on the sexual tourism in Brasil and on the condition of the putas, the prostitutes in Vila Mimosa, the most important red district in Brasil
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An analysis of the 2002 elections in France, when Jacques Chirac won with a shameful advantage against his rival Le Pen, and of the French political class that has to understand the true meaning of this poll
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An article on the relation book–movie, written fiction–dramatized fiction, between writer–scriptwriter–director.
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Leopold Karl Kollonich (1631–1707), Erzbischof von Esztergom, lebte und wirkte im Zeitalter des aufgeklärten Absolutismus. Folgende Studie geht der Frage nach, ob er gleich am Anfang der Entstehung der mit Rom unierten griechisch-katholische Kirche den damaligen orthodoxen Bischof von Alba Iulia, Anghel Athanasiu (1697–1713), 1701 wieder zum Priester und Bischof geweiht habe oder nicht?
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Luminiţa Lupaşcu writes an article on the Romanian musical industry. She presents some suggestive examples and tries to compare the Romanian pop singers with the international top singers.
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Cristian Ghinea suggests that Corneliu Vadim Tudor, the PRM leader, is more and more popular and some concerns may rise. But, considers the journalist, there is time enough till the election so that a solution could be found in order to obstruct him, democratically, if possible.
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Radu-Sebastian Ungureanu writes an essay on the age of music. He suggests that, despite some discussions about the trends and the preferences of every generation, the ever green is a concept that really works.
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Magdalena Boiangiu underlines the importance of the Civil Society in a democracy and especially in a young democracy as Romania. She also refers to some other East European Countries.
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Sever Voinescu makes some reflections on the Romanian Constitution, especially on some important changes that could be done in the near future, most probably after the elections.
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Magdalema Boiangiu writes an essay on the world most important financial markets and anti-globalization movement. She suggests that, actually, there are no such important events concerning these two problems, but a big media pseudo-event.
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Simona Sora talks with Jos Varela Ortega and Edume Uriarte about terrorism in the contemporary society. This seems to be one of the top rated problems to be discussed in this very moment.
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Sever Voinescu writes avout the law 187/1999 allows the access to the personal security file to any Romanian citizens or foreign citizens who, after 1945, acquired Romanian citizenship and offers to any Romanian citizen the possibility to be informed, upon request, in connection with the position of agent or collaborator of the security of the persons occupying or standing as a candidate for one of the public functions or dignities.
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Since the date of March 6, 1945, the communist power established in Romania exerted a continuous terror upon the society and a incessant violation of the fundamental rights and liberties of the citizen, particularly by the political police activity of the state security organism. Doina Jela writes an essay about this subject.
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Cristian Ghinea writes an article about integration in NATO an EU. Romania took a major step towards its admission to the European Union when the EU stated its commitment and objective to include Romania in the Union. At its Summit in Copenhagen, the European Union voted to admit Romania to EU membership on January 1, 2007.
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Pavel Câmpeanu writes a short article about some recent events that took place in the presence of the President of Romania, Ion Iliescu: G.W.Bush visit in Romania and invitation to NATO, the decoration ceremony at Cotroceni Palace and the Romanian mass-media awards.
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Dimitru Budrală writes a large interesting article about Astra Film Festival, a very important meeting for the cinema workers in Romania and abroad (China, Finland, Germany, Israel, Sweden, Great Britain, Hungary, USA, Holland.
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Mircea Vasilescu makes an interview with Dorli Blaga, the daughter of Lucian Blaga, famous Romanian writer and philosopher. The main question is about the Securitate, as a political police and the access to the personal security file for any Romanian citizens.
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Matei Florian writes an article about some ordinary people and their beliefs about Security Archives. Most of the persons who answer are young people, so it is quite interesting to see what is their opinion bout this very controversial problem in Romania. Any Romanian citizen or foreign citizen who, after 1945, acquired Romanian citizenship, has the right of access to the personal file drawn up by the Securitate organs, as a political police.
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Cristian Ghinea writes an article that focuses on cultural change and its consequences. This article reveals astonishingly strong linkages between the values and beliefs of mass publics and the presence or absence of democratic institutions, supporting the thesis that political culture plays a crucial role in the emergence and survival of democracy.
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Paul Krugman makes an analysis of the politics made by the USA Government. The commenter is one of the main opponents of George W. Bush Administration. He suggests that between the richest and the middle class Americans there are too big differences nowadays.
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Marius Tudor writes an article about the Romanian political system. He suggests that the democratic process was successfully made, but there are still some aspects to be discussed and improved in parliamentary activity.
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Bogdan Murgescu suggests that the countries of the former Soviet Union and Eastern Europe face the prospect of economic stagnation or steep decline unless measures are taken to reform their political systems. Economic reform has been seriously stalled in those countries where large Communist or leftist parties remain a major force in political life.
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The article underlines the link between a high degree of political reform and a high degree of free market reform. It also establishes conclusively the relationship between reform and prosperity. Those countries that have made the most far-reaching progress towards democracy and free markets have reaped the most substantial economic gain. Those countries that have implemented incomplete or half-hearted changes have done less well.
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Cristian Ghinea writes an article about the relationship between politics and economical development. He offers some examples (countries from Africa, Asia and Europe) and concludes that a healthy development it is possible just in democracies, thought there are some examples of dictatorial countries with some good economical results.
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Magdalena Boiangiu writes a comment about the Turkish parliament decision concerning the War in Iraq. Turkish parliament denied permission for the stationing of US troops on Turkish territory as part of the preparation for a war against Iraq. The decision unleashed a bitter reaction in Washington and a domestic crisis in Ankara itself.
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Generally, the bills of exchange law is characterized by an exclusive feature, derogatory and special in relation to common law, which requires its application both by the relevant court and judges dealing with settlement of cases in commercial matters. The fact that the formality of accompanying by writ of execution is a preliminary stage to initiating enforcement can not lead to the conclusion that the nature of these disputes would be common law, not the commercial one, since the nature of enforcement can not rest irrelevant. And this especially since censorship of mandatory mentions of the security undoubtedly involves a certain specialization of judge of proceedings in the field of commercial law. Specialization per subject of judges is not foreign to court’s jurisdiction, fair application of the law necessarily involving its application by the professional judge.
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The new Code of Civil Procedure introduced legal solutions with the declared aim of modernizing the legal framework. Doctrinal discussions on these amendments are designed to bring to the attention of authors of the implementation law certain aspects that could be tailored to the needs felt in practice in terms of enforcement, including: clear determination of the first act of execution, removing one of the preliminary formalities (vesting or approval of enforceability) or merging them into one act and achieving the formality by imprinting a mention directly on the writ of execution, extending jurisdiction of bailiffs throughout the country, the transformation of liquidators and non-banking financial companies in bailiffs, animadversion upon removing the distinction between seizure and attachment, adapting to current realities on the definition of the concept of court of enforcement are just some of the proposals brought forward under article hereby.
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This article aims to answer, argumentatively, some problems that will arise in the practice of administrative litigation courts in our country, within the framework of: - the existence of a non-uniform national practice in the field of claims for refund of fees charged by the Romanian state for registration of used motor vehicles imported from other Member States of the European Union; - where there was passed a Decision of the Court of Justice of the European Union, ruling on the non-compliance of aforementioned fees with Community law; - the existence of defective regulations in terms of the special case of review, grounded on the passing of binding decisions in breach of the Community law principle of priority. These issues are mainly attached to the review period and the court having jurisdiction to rule on this review.
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Disciplinary liability of bailiff is part of the legal liability framework, together with civil liability and criminal liability, standing for personal liability not excluding other forms of legal liability, not being necessarily that material damages are incurred for its carrying along, intervening only when committing disciplinary violations strictly determined by law. Disciplinary offences are settled by the disciplinary bodies within the National Union of Bailiffs, created specifically for this purpose, that can only apply the penalties expressly prescribed by law, the party discontented with the decisions of such bodies being entitled to refer to a law court, in accordance with Article 6 par. 1 of the European Convention on Human Rights.
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The topicality of the Holy Faders has been subject to research on several occasions, both in Romania and abroad, yet, no discourse suffi cient in itself has been accomplished. The purpose of this study is to create an overview of the previous research results and to add new elements to a strictly Orthodox perspective on the topicality of the Holy Fathers. This overview encompasses the conclusions of the author’s study and research in his attempt to reclaim a so-called Introduction to Patristics. The Holy Fathers, their thinking and theology remain a constant reference in the Orthodox Church and theology. Unfortunately, nowadays, the patristic text is rarely referred to in the Orthodox academic circles, which usually prefer a theology that doesn’t refl ect the patristic teachings. The contemporary man is unable to fi nd himself in the study of the Holy Father’s words, and no longer has the desire to seek answers to his problems by approaching the theology of the Church. The Fathers’ topicality, importance, and authority is confi rmed by God’s topicality, importance, and authority; thus, their validity is proven by the truths they express and by the rules of life they promote, at all times, for every Christian. This presentation is intended not only as a highlight of certain contemporary Orthodox theological aspects, but as a reminder of the importance of the patristic theology for the theology of the Church.
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The encomia of Metropolitan Nicolae Colan praise and preach the great Christian truths, along with their holidays and martyrs, concurring to the limitless praise of the Father and His Son Jesus Christ. On a different level, consistent to the idea that the writing must follow reality, to praise and adequately evoke historical personalities, Nicolae Colan also presented in his writings pieces of history, as seen through his own eyes, which, today, help us see more comprehensively various events and phenomena. To the same image, it also contributes the diversity of the personalities evoked and praised, from Church fi gures like Andrei Şaguna, Roman Ciorogariu or Nicolae Bălan, to laic fi gures from various fi elds of activity: Octavian Goga, general Averescu, king Carol the 2nd, Ion Luca Caragiale, Sextil Puşcariu, as well as peasant Petrache Lupu, and so many other important fi gures, which shared with Nicolae Colan their creed, their values, their faith, and devotion to the Church, language and nation, everything surrounded by a specifi c Transylvanian spirit, a spirit he believed in and cultivated rigorously.
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This article attempts to succinctly present John of Damascus’ teachings about passions and virtues, as well as the papers where these teachings are presented. In the fi rst part, the author refers to the paper Sacred Parallels, considered by scholars the Holy Father’s essential work with regard to moral-ascetic teachings. Nothing more than a large anthology of Bible texts and patristic texts, the paper is not representative for the saint’s teachings. The author then presents the moral-ascetic elements from John of Damascus’ theological works, especially in his dogmatic writings. Through this step, it is once again acknowledged the fact that, in the Orthodox faith, the dogmatic and the moral attitude go hand in hand. The last part is specifi cally concerned with the moral-ascetic works of the saint, On the Eight Spirits of Evil and On Virtues and Vices. The author presents the contents of these two short writings, as well as the most important ideas, with a special focus on the second work, included by Nicodemus of the Holy Mountain in his Philokalia. Through this, John of Damascus – par excellence, the dogmatic mind of our Church – earned himself a consecrated place among the ascetic and neptic Church Fathers.
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Up until recent times, the love for homeland was a noble feeling, a duty of honor. Today it’s either extinguished in favor of a limitless cosmopolitism or altered, being visible but in unimportant areas. Either way, the mystical soul of the love for homeland and its connection to God has been lost to a great extent. Normally, earthly homeland should be a mirror of the eternal, celestial Homeland, to whom the natural man aspires naturally through everything he does. Suddenly becoming a gift, as well as the fruit of a sacrifi ce fulfi lled by many generations, paid in blood many times, the Homeland must be served with defended and intensifi ed faith, as much as it is in everyone’s power, by the addition of personal deeds, accordingly. The great artists are those who fulfi ll and assume this responsibility to a greater extent, thus becoming, in happy cases, voices of their peoples in front of the world and, especially, in front of God. For Andrei Tarkovsky “Homeland is the country where you were born, where you were raised, and whose roots and culture you possess.” As a result, one’s homeland means landscape, history, culture… The spiritual element of the homeland is the one prevailing in Tarkovsky’s work; and, inside it, naturally, the Christian Orthodox faith he assumes and confesses, through his work and words. There are two situations which can render a more dramatic character of the love for Homeland, thus emphasizing it: the war (especially the one against invaders) and the exile. Andrei Tarkovsky knew them both. He knew the Great War to Defense the homeland directly, by the diffi culties that reverberated into his life, and indirectly, by his father’s participation to this war. Later, he also knew the exile, in which he was practically pushed by the hostile attitude of the political and cultural Soviet authorities, which obviously hindered his work. Though in exile, Tarkovsky carried his Homeland along, in his heart. He too was sick of that nostalghia he so often talked about. This thing is visible in his movies, whose feeling and tones are Russian, even when their space and time seem indeterminate. The love for homeland is treated in one way or another in each of the movies directed by this great director, especially by referring to its politic and cultural history. Tarkovsky’s heroes experience nostalghia for their Homeland, and, intricately, for its sufferings, but also for their own sufferings in relation to the Homeland. They also feel responsible for its spiritual prosperity and, thus, even more often, they experience guilt when failing to do so. They are concerned with its evolution and its status when this becomes precarious from a spiritual point view, with everything this implies, including serious moral misconducts. As such, they try to save everything that can be saved. In Tarkovsky’s movies, we fi nd debates on and feelings for a concentric and successive series of homelands, from that of the childho
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This study is based on a secret Italian diplomatic document that makes reference to the pressures on the foreign diplomatic missions in Bucharest exercised by the Romanian communist authorities and to the infringement of the diplomatic immunities and privileges by the same authorities. Not only the spying techniques through wiretaps and environmental registerings are highlited, but also the direct pressures on the American diplomats and on the service passport staff (for Austria) to cooperate with the Securitate. The pressures were so great that the head of the Italian Legation in Bucharest required the change of the entire staff and officials.
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The present paper aims at tackling a distinctive (and less considered) topic within the vast research area dedicated to the First World War, namely the issue of society’s perceptions and behavior concerning the Foreigner(s), both during the years of neutrality and equally after Romania’s intervention into the conflict, on the Entente side, in 1916. Based mainly on memoirs, press collections and archival documents, the research unveiles the metamorphosis of Romanian society in terms of attitudes towards foreigners, under the effects of the war propaganda, or due to its own perceptions and emotions. While the perception of the continous threat represented by the presence and activities of the enemy (Central Powers agents and spies) can easily be traced – and to a great extent, explained, the war years witnessed also a growing xenophobia exhibited towards vast categories, including German school students.
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The first years of Ceausescu’s regime were a period of transition and rehabilitation both at the level of discourse and the practice of power in connection with society. From the perspective of the letters to power, the criticisms by those who were discontented were aimed more at the abuses of the party bureaucracy or state functionaries than the leader of the party. The Romanian society oscillated between consensus and dissent. On one hand, there was expressed adhesion to the projects of the regime, and, on the other hand, the same society criticized political or economic measures perceived as an intrusion into its privacy. Duplicity was equally a way of finding consensus and escape. The consensus lasted as long as the political power fulfilled its promises to society (access to goods, supply of food, rising salaries, access to information). In time, with the deterioration of living conditions and ideological pressures, the void left by the loss of popular support was filled by a repressive apparatus whose role was to maintain a state of fear and control the disappointments of the population.
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The aim of this article is to analyse the impact of the political decision making regarding urban planning, together with the development of the city of Bucharest at the beginning of the communist regime. The economical and political transformations characteristic of the post-war period have created the premises for a transition from the inter-war urban planning to a new concept of reconstruction. The aforementioned concept was under a powerful ideological influence; it was set to build the „new socialist city”, in contrast to the old, „bourgeois” socio-political theories and practices. Con- sequently, between 1948 and 1952, the Romanian communist regime set the foundation of a centralised and politicised institutional system. A new administrative apparatus subdued to the interest of the new political system was thus created. This has marked the debut of the wielding of a strong political control over decision-making, thus opening a path towards certain urban transfigurations. The state governed over the phases of the building processes, from sketch to implementation, by regulating the investments and funding projects through annual and five-year plans. This reconsideration of urban systematisation allowed the state to develop new projects and programs both in the architectural and urban areas.
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The Declaration of April 1964 is known as a document that epitomized Gheorghe Gheorghiu-Dej’s policy of autonomy from Kremlin. At the same time, it provided the theoretical foundation for the foreign policy initiatives pursued by Dej's successor, Nicolae Ceauşescu. Although N. Ceauşescu avoided mentioning the Declaration in his post-1965, he remained faithful to its principles. In fact, Ceauşescu’s international stances were the direct continuation the political line spelled out in the Declaration. The Declaration proclaimed that all communist parties were equal within the international communist movement, that patronizing attitudes need to be rejected, and that all communist parties were free to choose their own path toward communism. Gheorghiu-Dej did not live long enough to see the outcomes of the major shift represented by the Declaration of April. Later, N. Ceauşescu turned Gheorghiu-Dej’s embryonic ethnic nationalism into increasingly chauvinistic policies. This synthesis of Leninist dogmas (first and foremost the leading role of the communist party) and resurgent far-right themes and motifs resulted in a national Stalinist experiment. Only apparently forgotten, the Declaration was in fact Ceauşescu’s national Stalinist Charter.
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This study examines the making of the treaties which shaped the „new Eastern policy“ of the Federal Republic of Germany. This was a complicated process which involved complex negociations with the Soviet Union, the GDR, Poland and Czechoslovakia. The government in Bonn also needed to carefully observe the attitude of its Western allies, especially that of the United States, which was of crucial importance in order to achieve a succesfull outcome for its foreign policy initiatives. Domestic politics were also filled with tension because many were opposed to a policy which seemed to consolidate the division of Germany. Finally, in the long run, the „new Eastern policy“ had a profound impact on the international scene by weakening the position of the Eastern Bloc in general and that of the GDR in particular.
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This article deals with the impact of the student protests of 1968 upon the leadership of the Romanian Communist Party (RCP) and argues that these events played a central role in N. Ceauşescu’s decision to reconsider the party’s policies towards the youth. In his vision – as revealed by his conversations with other party leaders – the youth had been neglected by the Communist parties which made it vulnerable to other ideologies and predisposed to street action outside party control. N. Ceauşescu believed that Communist parties had to elaborate special policies aimed at improving the political education of students and youth so that social protests as those recorded in 1968 in Paris and elsewhere could be guided and controlled by the Communist parties. The experience of 1968 determined RCP’s leadership to increase its political pressure on students and youth, which culminated in 1971 with the abrupt interruption of the liberalization course initiated years before.
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The aim of this study is to shed more light on a period which marks the transition toward National Stalinism. Mainly after 1963, in communist Romania is visible a relaxation of cultural politics, although the party leadership maintained Socialist Realism as mandatory style of arts and literature. Such cultural liberalization occurred simultaneously with the Declaration of April 1964 of the Romanian Workers’ Party, announcing political emancipation from the USSR. The Declaration was considered recently by some historians as a true Charter of Romanian National Stalinism. However, regarding the history of Romanian Literature relationship with ideology one can notice a transitional period. The communist control over literature was subtler in comparison with the 1950s while N. Ceauşescu, the 1965 newly appointed secretary general of the communist party, renounced to invoke Socialist Realism. He changed it with Socialist Humanism, a doctrine which allowed the existence of „various artistic styles and methods“. However, the censorship was reset especially after 1968, targeting primarily literary and student magazines. Step-by-step the Humanist Socialism was re- defined in a censorial way. In 1968, according to more historical sources, intellectuals and ethnic minorities were perceived as main threats for the regime. In order to detect the revival of National Stalinism I examined the inconsistency of the breakup with 1950s Romanian Stalinism, abusive political methods against literary life, and the Romanian– Hungarian cultural relations.
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In Interwar Romania, due to the high rate of the so called social diseases which included both tuberculosis and venereal diseases, there was a strong need for public policies to address these matters. Consequently, throughout the 1920s, both the Ministry of Education and the Ministry of Public Health Care have made important efforts to develop the existing infrastructure. New education and medical legislation was introduced to educate school population about the need to seek medical help when necessary. Also, students in middle schools were trained to understand the way human reproductory system worked and to recognise the diseases affecting it. In spite of that, studies conducted by Universities have shown that students were affected by the same diseases as the general population that had no access to high education. Despite all the efforts, preventive measures of the social diseases remained unknown to the general public, which proved to be reluctant to address doctors unless it was their last resort. This attitude typical of both rural and urban population was considered irresponsible by doctors and must be linked with the traditional mentality of the Romanian society.
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Between 1985 and 1989 the Soviet-Romanian relations have gained new sources of tensions due to the refusal of the leaders in Bucharest to follow Gorbachev's new reformist orientation. Ceausescu's policy faced a fundamental turning point: the transition from political independence and non-interference in internal affairs to that of monitoring and even intervention in internal developments of the Warsaw Treaty Organization countries. Ironically, Nicolae Ceausescu, who since 1965, the year of his coming to power, aimed at distancing from USSR, considered, finally, that the chance of survival of socialism in Eastern Europe might only be the Soviet Union.
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This article describes one of Romanian Communist Party’s most ambitious programs of infrastructure development along with its implementation in the context of a command economy. Being demanded both ideologically and economically, the value of the electric power as a symbol became greater with Romania’s communist leadership pursuing the industrial development of the country and trying to secure its energetic independence. Through large amounts of expensive investments, between 1965-1975 Romania’s annual electric power production had increased threefold in ten years, although the power potential had never reached plan targets. However great this achievement was, renewable sources of energy continued to play a small part and electric power management vulnerabilities were far from being removed. Archival research shows who among the political leaders were involved in the planning and carrying out of energy policies during an era of sustained macro-economic growth and how these infrastructure gains made possible the expansion of less efficient industries.
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The appearance of the Academy for Social Sciences (ASS) represents the meeting point of several processes that signal the maturation of Romanian communism. The strengthening of Nicolae Ceaușescu’s power meant not only the continuation of the desovietization policy, but also the creation of a Romanian form of communism. Initially, its complexity surpassed the simple assertion of national interests. The end of the 60’s represented, in Ceaușescu’s view, the moment in which one could consider the successes of the efforts to improve the relation with the intellectuals. A period of great reform for communist Romania followed. Among the first measures taken was the extension of the party’s direct authority over social science research. Trying to create a national idea that would combine historical tradition and Marxism-Leninism, science and creation were to be transformed into ideology and propaganda. This has contributed to the birth of a personality cult which had a Stalinist dimension.
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The aim of the study is to present the evolution of the Romanian Marxist historiography using the history textbook prepared under the direction of Mihail Roller. Its main purpose was to provide a model for the interpretation of historical events. Following the evolution of editions, we can observe the growing influence of Mihail Roller and the limits of the de-Stalinization in Romania after the XXth Congress of the CPSU in 1956.
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The present study, with 195 participants, aimed to validate - in the Romanian cultural context and using confirmatory factor analysis (CFA) the Questionnaire of Individualism- -Collectivism of Shulruf, Hattie and Dixon (2003, Anonymous Questionnaire of Self-Attitudes - AQSA), constructed in New Zealand and composed of 26 items, 15 evaluating the individualism (IND) dimension and 11 the collectivism (COL) one. This study resorted to AFC in order to test the plausibility of the theoretical factorial model of AQSA with five factors, three evaluating the IND (uniqueness, competition and responsibility) and two the COL (harmony and advice). The fact of the data not having adjusted to this theoretical model led us to the elimination of certain items (with low loadings on the original factors of AQSA). The resulting model revealed satisfactory adjustment indexes, thus suggesting a new factorial structure of the AQSA and the necessity to realize future studies of second order CFA with this questionnaire.
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The aim of our research was to identify the attitudes from normal persons given the situation of disabled persons. The subjects batch was selected depending on educational level, gender affiliation and social environment. The method research was social investigation with questionary and statistical analyses. The conclusion of this investigation does not demonstrate a real difference between subjects groups about positive and negative attitudes in accordance with educational level (persons with high level of education have most positive attitudes comparatively with persons who have a low educational level), social environment (in rural environment the positive attitudes are most frequently comparatively with urban environment) and gender affiliation (in this case the difference is not so significant; the women have more positive attitudes comparatively with men).
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In this study we aimed at developing a questionnaire to measure emotional work. Experts developed a first form containing four scales: emotional effort, emotional dissonance, emotional consonance and emotional deviance. The next step was to attain construct validation. Because the correlations among the first forms of the scales indicated some overlap of the scales, we performed an exploratory factor analysis. The results indicated the existence of three main scales: emotional effort, emotional deviance and expression of positive emotions. The differences among these scales are more obvious. Moreover, the impact of three determinants of emotional work (job autonomy, emotional demands and client characteristics) on the three remaining scales is congruent with the results found in emotional work literature.
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This study examined the strategies used by students in resolving conflicts with different persons: classmates, friends, brothers and parents. The influence of the variable emotional intelligence on conflict resolution was also examined. The study involved a sample of 300 students (150 preadolescents and 150 adolescents). There are five conflict resolution strategies: avoidance, accommodation, compromise, competition and collaboration. The results suggest that there were not significant differences between preadolescents and adolescents in conflict resolution strategies. The subject with average emotional intelligence use collaboration, while the subjects with under average emotional intelligence prefer competition to resolve conflicts. In conflicts with classmates is used competition and in peer conflicts is used the compromise. Girls rely on accommodation and boys on competition to resolve their conflicts. The study identified significant correlation and interaction effects between the variables. In conclusion, an education that includes emotional intelligence and offers positive alternatives in conflict resolution could be a solution for decreasing aggression in schools.
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The research aims at collecting evidence relevant for the concurrent validity of one of the explanations regarding the phenomenon of inaction inertia. The three experiments included in the research have the purpose of demonstrating the explanation of inaction inertia based on anticipated counterfactual regret theory, different from the explanations regarding the same phenomenon presented by the attitude re-evaluation theories. The two categories of explanations are significantly different according to the presence or absence of the attitude change. The inaction inertia is the main behavioural consequence of the regret feeling. The counterfactual regret is an emotional consequence of the failure in action and it is the result of individual's inability of action or inaction. Regarding inaction, feeling of regret has also consequences for the future actions, thus, in the future the subject will avoid choosing the type of action lost in the past. This is the inaction inertia. In order to fulfill the objectives, three experimental plans were designed, enabling the investigation of the points in which the attitude re-evaluation theories differ from the anticipated regret theory, regarding inaction inertia. These experiments have as target the reduction of inaction inertia by emphasizing some factors, this effect being explainable only by anticipated counterfactual regret theory.
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