Around the Bloc: Cleaning Up Eastern Europe’s Radioactive Legacy
Romanian and Czech authorities are failing to ensure the safety of former uranium miners and other people exposed to contamination, an investigation claims.
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Romanian and Czech authorities are failing to ensure the safety of former uranium miners and other people exposed to contamination, an investigation claims.
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China’s ambitions for the region are reported to cause concern in Moscow that its diplomatic influence in an area once part of the Soviet Union may be receding.
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Odessa police searching for lawyer whose client and co-defendant may be swapped for Ukrainian pilot Nadia Savchenko.
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The article seeks to answer the question of whether, and if yes – to what extent, voters are guided by economic issues in their decisions about electoral participation (activity or passivity in the elections). The analysis of this question was carried out in the context of declared electoral behavior of the respondents in elections which took place in 2014, namely to the European Parliament and the Polish regional (voivodship) parliaments. Detailed analysis was aimed at verifying the sociodemographic variables that could significantly differentiate the subjective importance of the economic factor in decisions taken on electoral participation. These empirical considerations took into account variables such as sex, age, education, marital status, financial situation, professional status and place of residence.
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The institutions of direct democracy seem to be crucial for effective functioning of political system. The inclusion of citizens in decision-making process ensures that political representatives remain accountable throughout their term and must be responsive to the wishes of the voters. The empirical research conducted by the author proves that prevalent portion of electorate expects the introduction of recall and people’s veto to Polish law. The results of analysis confirm the high level of citizens’ support for institutions of direct democracy. This support is articulated by all groups of Polish electorate, regardless of party affiliation and ideological viewpoints.
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Mayor’s Instagram page highlights Almaty’s rapid response to municipal issues such as potholes, unlit streets.
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Mohsin Hamid’s novel The Reluctant Fundamentalist offers an interesting voice in the discussion about post‑9/ 11 America and shows how a successful immigrant story changes to a racially charged case of ethnic discrimination. Despite the fact that Hamid’s protagonist may believe in his successful assimilation into American culture, the general feeling of xenophobia that gripped American society in the wake of the 9/11 attacks forces him to re‑evaluate his position. His personal dilemma, oscillating between the desire for material affluence and ethnic loyalty, is presented in a broader context that depicts the world divided along financial and political lines. The conflicting pull between the economic interests lying in the West – represented by the U.S. and the subaltern position of less‑developed countries, such as Pakistan – becomes a source of anguish for the protagonist. This paper examines how the borders of conflict shift from public to personal, complicating the issue of identity for Muslim immigrants. The discourse of the war on terror is presented from the perspective of an Other, offering a counter‑narrative to the hegemonic narrative of Western culture.
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The paper presents the case for the thesis that Solomon Islands’ instability infringes on Australia’s interests. A combination of ineffective government, poverty and conflict destabilized the country and caused a civil war (1998‑2003). However, in the late 1990s, it was recognized that similar problems affect almost all of Australia’s neighbours. The result was the emergence of the concept of the Australian arc of instability. The main assumption is that states to the north (Indonesia, Timor‑Leste, Papua New Guinea) and north‑east (Solomon Islands, Vanuatu) of Australia can be characterized as fragile. Persistence of instability in Solomon Islands and other countries in the immediate neighbourhood poses several challenges to Australia’s interests: favourable environment for transnational crime to thrive, increased burden on forces responsible for border protection, danger for Australians living in unstable countries, damage to Australia’s role as Oceania’s leading power and missed opportunities for Australian businesses. Canberra has the following policy options: firstly, structuring the defence forces so they are capable of protecting vast approaches and conducting stabilization missions in Solomon Islands and other neighbouring countries. Secondly, addressing the underlining causes of instability through Australia’s foreign aid. Thirdly, encouraging and supporting initiatives which promote regional cooperation.
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Ukraine, as one of the states which became independent in 1991, can be perceived as an example of the typical transition of Soviet Socialist Republics into democratic states centered on the issue of nationalizing policies and processes. However, there are also differences which make this country a very interesting case study for investigation. Mainly, Russians here form the biggest national group concentrated in the East and South of the country. The persistence and reuse of the “myth of two Ukraines” led to the widespread conclusion that Ukraine is a country which is divided between Ukrainophone West and Russophone East. This article is focuses on the third group, which is somehow hidden in the mainstream linguistic debates, namely the Russian-speaking citizens of Ukraine who define themselves as ethnic Ukrainians. Based on the examples of Donbas and Crimean regions, it tries to define whether one can perceive them as a national minority.
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The article deals with some security aspects and their influence on the defense resources of the Slovak Republic. The contribution it brings lies in the comparison between the defenses resources of the last years and their increase over the years.It shows a positive trend in terms of the modernization of equipment, weapons,technology and weapons systems of the Armed Forces of the Slovak Republic.
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This Article should answer questions related to the practical application of the Electoral Code solutions related to the electoral system to the constitutive organs of the com-munes. The basic idea is whether the majority system significantly changed the composi-tion of these organs in those communes of over 20,000 inhabitants, as well as the effects of the modifications brought about in shaping constituencies in cities with county rights. The research was carried out on the example of the twenty communes of the Pomeranian Voivodship. The results can hardly be considered optimistic. The use of single-seat constituencies made worse the representativeness of organs which, to a large extent, lead to over-representation of the strongest political or local groups in the various communes. The system also did not lead to an increase in the number of independent councillors. The situation in the councils of cities with county rights remained almost the same. In-troducing the possibility of creating larger constituencies was not reflected in practice. All cities have maintained the current size of the constituencies, which in combination with the d'Hondt method, eliminated the representatives of smaller electoral committees from the composition of councils or marginalized the position of those representatives.
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The main goal of the article is to answer the question about the role of direct de-mocracy in Swiss Cantons. The author in her considerations concentrates on such institu-tions as: cantonal referendum, cantonal popular initiatives and popular assembly (Landsgemeinde). The questions that were posed in this article were the following: how do the direct democratic institutions work in the Swiss Confederation? What kind of changes are taking place when it comes to cantonal forms of direct democracy? What is the role of Landsgemeinde and how does it function in practice? In the research process several research methods have been used by the author. They were: institutional-legal analysis that helped to study the legal acts on direct demo-cratic forms in Swiss cantons; quantitative analysis – basing on statistical data it was possible to evaluate the use of direct democratic forms of civic involvement. Also partic-ipative observation and individual interviews were very helpful in the research process – they were used during the author’s stays in Switzerland, where she was able to observe both Landsgemeinde – in 2013 in Appenzell Innerhoden and in 2014 in Glarus.
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The article indicates a common axiom of Karol Wojtyła's personalistic philosophy and theory of development: human dignity is the highest value in the natural world. The author analyzes the content of the encyclical – Laborem Exercens, Sollicitudo Rei Socialis, Centesimus Annus in the context of personological economic theory by Professor Franciszek Piontek. Studies on the category of dignity and development prove the connection between human welfare and sustainable economic development. This study argues that sustainable development cannot disregard economic efficiency and it should not be made only on the basis of price and market mechanism. Sustainable development of contemporary civilization depends on an aggregate: economic, natural and human capital.
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Polska Partia Socjalistyczna, called “reborn” by its supporters, and “licensed” or “false” by its antagonists, was created on 10th–11th September 1944, during a socialists’ conference held in Lublin (so-called 15th Congress of the PSP). The power elite in the party was made up of 57 people in total. It was a circle dominated by well educated men, mostly young and middle-aged, most of whom had been bound up with the party since the 1920s and 30s. On average, every second one of them was in the occupied country between 1939 and 1945, and only every eighth in the Soviet Union. Despite this, one should not underestimate the influence of the so-called “natives” in the PSP elite, since they were functioning within two, ideologically different, streants of Polish socialism. That was why they found it relatively easy to sever links with their socialist past and made their way into the ranks of the newly created Communist authorities.
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This study examines the questions of ethics and transparency in Russian journalism. The paper explains instances of non-transparent behavior among Russian journalists in light of economic hardship that Russian journalists in the province face in their everyday life. Specifically, this study attempts to explicate the connection between transparency, journalism ethics, and economic and social conditions in which regional journalists function in Russia. This paper argues that morality may depend on economic conditions of an individual and poor economic conditions tend to diminish human dignity. In turn, diminished human dignity more readily puts in jeopardy professional ethical principles and contributes to non-transparent media practices. Poor economic conditions have impli- cations for regional journalism practice in Russia, where they create a vicious circle which Russian journalists fail to break.
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According to the canons of liberal democracy, both political and media systems constitute two spheres which strongly interact but still are separated and fulfill different aims. The actors belonging to these spheres play specific social roles, due to sets of rules called (respectively) the logic of politics and media logic. Politicians are supposed to create and reshape the world gaining electorate support while the media should show, explain and interpret the world in a way that attracts its audience. The two are expected to compete inside their spheres but not with each other. Today, however, the mediatization of politics and politicization of the media have changed the relationship between politicians and journalists. The aim of the article is to describe the phenomenon of redefinition of roles of the main actors of political communication, using content analysis of television political interviews during an election campaign. Elections create a special situation of mutual interdependence of the two entities as well as the need to achieve their specific goals. The authors weigh up whether the changing formula of TV interviews is an element of a broader phenomenon of competition and trial of taking up control in the process of political communication or just incidental behavior typical for the time of an election.
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Mining company denies responsibility for dramatic drops in water levels in Wielkopolska region.
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The EU policy towards the Rroms was formulated in the European Commission’s 2011 Communication. It was shaped by consultations with Rroms and the Member States. To a great extent, it was also consistent with pro-development of objectives of the EU. The Europe 2020 strategy focuses on employment, education, housing and access to medical services which are also response to a bad situation of Rroms in these areas.However, the EU does not concentrate on the problem of discrimination too much. What is more, the EU claims that after reaching a certain level of socio-economic indicators, the problem is solved automatically. Discrimination will not disappear without a deliberate intervention unless the Rroms assimilate. However, neither they, nor – at least theoretically – the EU accepts it. The main problem connected with Rroms’ articulation of needs, is the matter of legitimacy of representation of this group’s interests. The so-called “new leaders” are responsible for keeping contacts with the mainstream society. They formulate Rroms’ needs and influence the policy of the EU and the Member States. Unfortunately, they represent only small groups of Rroms. Moreover, In order to legitimize the representation of the Rromani society, they have to be a part of the Rromani community and submit to rules coming from traditional values. Due to these limitations, it is difficult to determine what are Rroms’ real expectations regarding the policy of the EU and the Member States towards them.On the basis of the Declaration of a Rromani Nation (IRU, 2000) and social practice, it may be supposed that the Rroms expect mainly the elimination of discrimination and respecting human rights. However, in practice, they receive a vague promise that discrimination will disappear in the future, provided that they join the mainstream of social and economic life of Europe.
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