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International commercial surrogacy (ICS) has grown especially in the last two decades with the advancement in assisted reproductive technologies. It has become a global phenomena and business industry worth several billions of USD a year, which raises many political, legal and ethical issues. This article examines how regulations and laws on surrogacy vary across the countries. Some European countries such as the UK allow altruistic surrogacy, but ban commercial surrogacy, while France, Germany and Italy prohibit all forms of surrogacy. In addition to legal perspective, this Article analyses ICS from theological, feminist and liberal point of view. While most of the Christian Churches are against surrogacy and other forms of assisted reproductive technologies (ART), Islam allows certain aspects of assisted reproductive technologies, whereas Judaism, Hinduism and Buddhism allow all forms of ART. From the feminist perspective ICS is a form of slavery that exploits female body through the financial enticements in the same way, as does the prostitution. Feminists see surrogacy as a violation of the rights of children and women. Liberals, on the other hand, argue that surrogacy represent the right to one’s personal autonomy, and to prohibit the practice would be a violation of women’s rights to self determination.
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Visits by American presidents in Poland are important, socio-political and media events. This fact was the motivation to conduct research on media presentation of the visits of two American presidents – Barack Obama in 2011 and Donald Trump in 2017 – to Poland which were presented in Polish daily newspapers. The content analysis was based on opinion-forming titles: “Gazeta Wyborcza”, “Rzeczpospolita” and “Dziennik Gazeta Prawna”, and tabloids: “Fakt” and “Super Express”. The aim of the paper is to show the differences in how selected dailies cover two visits and explain where these differences might come from. The research hypothesis assumes that the ideological profile of chosen daily press determines media image of the American presidential visits in Poland, and that the significance of press materials may impact the formation of readers’ views and opinions about leaders of the USA. The author tried to answer the following questions: do the selected titles show bias against any of the presidents?, is the narration of daily newspapers similar to the tabloid press?, and do they undergo tabloidization? The article consists of five parts. The first part discusses the special relationship between Poland and the USA and the perception of American presidents’ visits to Poland. The second section describes agenda-setting, which is the theoretical framework for this study. The third part of the article describes the research methodology, which is based on content analysis. The fourth section is a description of the study of materials published in Polish daily press. The article ends with a summary of the study results. The bias was demonstrated in “Gazeta Wyborcza” (numerous articles, critical of Donald Trump), “Fakt” (numerous articles with positive attitude towards Barack Obama and Donald Trump) and “Super Express” (numerous satirical articles about Barack Obama). In the context of the discussed issues, daily newspapers did not make their narration similar to tabloid press and did not succumb to the tabloidization of media.
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This article presents selected tools and communication channels used by the Polish government during the crisis management related to the SAR S-CoV-2 pandemic in Poland. The aim of the research was to analyze the most popular tools used in the crisis communication, their characteristics and an evaluation of their effectiveness. Crisis communication during the fight against a pandemic is especially important because its purpose is to preserve the health and life of citizens. Mixed research methods and techniques were used in the study, such as desk research, content analysis and comparative analysis. The methods and techniques allowed for answering the research questions, for example: adaptation of communication tools to the different age of recipients; the channels and forms of communication used; changes in the methods of communication related to restrictions; using new technologies. The comparison of the used methods of reaching the audience, visual creations, and costs incurred helps to assess the effectiveness of communication of the authorities in the first year of the pandemic.
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The purpose of the article was the analysis of the educational concepts of the Civic Platform from the period when the party was a part of the government coalition. Research questions, which were posed within the framework of the text, concerned the following issues: Do the political concepts of the Civic Platform in the area of education take up the issue of its commercialization as a tool to raise the level of social security? Within the article, theoretical assumptions were proposed concerning both the phenomenon of commercialization of education as well as social security, and then there was conducted an analysis of authorship educational concepts carried out by the Civic Platform. The findings made it possible to define that the concepts of the Civic Platform to a large extent fit into the neoliberal model of commercialization and economization of education. At the same time, in the discussed assumptions, there can be found elements which relate to the issues of social security, understood both narrowly (the problem of students’ living conditions), and in a broad sense (school as an institution that gives opportunities for self-realization, development and success in professional life).
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El tema del artículo es la investigación de Ponciano del Pino sobre las actitudes de la población andina en el conflicto armado peruano de 1980–2000, con particular énfasis en la perspectiva utilizada por el investigador en el estudio de caso titulado “En nombre del gobierno”. El objetivo del texto es mostrar el influjo que pueda ejercer el interés de P. del Pino por los microcontextos de guerra, en forma de rivalidades inter e intraaldeanas, sobre los logros alcanzados en la investigación acerca del terror en los Andes y, por ende, el tratamiento de los actos de la violencia política como resultado de procesos históricos. En el artículo asumo que el método de reconstrucción de los hechos bélicos utilizado por el investigador permite conocer uno de los mecanismos más tabuizados del conflicto peruano, es decir, el terror de los civiles contra los civiles. El artículo fue elaborado a partir del análisis de las consecuciones de P. del Pino en cuanto a publicaciones seleccionadas en el campo de los estudios sobre la violencia bélica en los Andes, confrontándolo con los resultados de mi trabajo de campo en las provincias de Huanta y La Mar en 2005–2010 y 2015–2019.
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This paper looks at the theoretical and operational underpinnings of empirical endeavors aimed at assessing the impact of collective memory on the relationship between states. It reviews the literature dedicated to the concept of “collective” memory and its operationalization. The discusssion on the operationalization of this concept reveals the importance of the “infrastructure of memory” that political and cultural elites (“the critical community”) set up in order to keep the memory alive. There is a limited body of literature that focuses on the use of memory in diplomacy and international relations, but this author argues that, properly framed, an investigation of the impact the memory of a specific historical event has on bilateral relationship is worthwhile pursuing.
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The article is devoted to the little-known aspect of cooperation of the Polish and Ukrainian People Republics. In particular, it addresses the supplies to combat divisions of UPR Army in accordance with the military convention of April 24, 1920. The provision was enabled by the formation and activity of the special military Polish institutions in the Right Bank Ukraine. It deals with the command of the stages of the Polish Troops in Ukraine, Polish military representatives in the UPR government, section “U”, Ukrainian representatives of the 6th Army of the Polish Troops. Their task was to deliver the necessary supplies to the military divisions of the UPR. Special attention was paid to their work performance, which had a general positive effect on the military activity of the Ukrainian divisions in their counteracting the Red Army till the autumn 1920.
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The article examines the anti-Ukrainian narratives that russian propaganda produces and spreads to various target audiences, in particular, to the Ukrainian and russian populations and citizens of Western countries. It is shown that the goals of russian propaganda differ depending on the audience, in particular, for Ukraine's foreign partners, russian narratives justify the need to seize Crimea, the importance of russian patronage over Ukraine, and the legitimacy of the separation of part of the East. For the russian domestic consumer, the purpose of narratives is to shift attention from internal problems to external factors; to explain the need for russian support of the self-proclaimed "republics" as part of the "russian peace" and to show that putin's regime has no alternative. For the Ukrainian population, it is to show the inability of the authorities to solve the internal problems of the state, the fallacy of the chosen path of European integration, and the inability of the leadership of Ukraine to carry out reforms. The authors also showed how russian propaganda messages evolved in the russian information space, as well as how the information space of Ukraine changed after the start of the full-scale invasion. A conclusion is made about the informational resistance of Ukrainian society in relation to russian narratives after the start of a full-scale invasion.
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The imposition of the state of emergency on some part of the territory of Poland was connected with the crisis on the border between Poland and Belarus. There were numerous groups of migrants who wished to trespass the border of the Schengen zone. The reaction of the authorities of the Republic of Poland was strong – there was the necessity to protect the border. In order to achieve the goal the decision to build the barrier on the border was made.
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The Author is going to analyse the role of non-financial disclosures in the achieving goals established in the European Green Deal (EGD). There is the presentation of the aims presented in the EGD and created within the EU regulations in the area of sustainable finance. The Author also explained the definition of sustainable finance. In the last part of the Article the Author presented the current state and recommended change in the rules of non-financial reporting. Finally, the Article presented the connection between non-financial reports and sustainable finance and usability of CSRD in the architecture of sustainable finance.
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The main aim of the paper is to identify important socio-economic factors affecting the consolidation of democracies in post-socialist economies. The level of democratic environment is evaluated by the Electoral Democracy Index (the V-Dem Project). The influence of socio-economic factors is analyzed from the perspective of Modernization theory, which is compared with the other four theories (early developed institutions, natural resource abundance, cultural heritage, and international trade) in the empirical analysis. To achieve the aim, the paper uses time-series cross-sectional Prais-Winsten regression models with panel-corrected standard errors. The results indicate that the consolidation of democratic environment was positively affected by economic development and historical experience with democracy and negatively influenced by natural resource abundance and Islamic cultural heritage. If we evaluate the individual factors within the Modernization theory, then we can see statistically significant influence of the economic level, while the effect of education or urbanization seems to be insignificant. At the end of the empirical analysis, the ambiguous influence of middle class as transition channel of the Modernization theory on the consolidation of democratic environment was discussed.
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This paper explores the tourism-related official actions undertaken by the government in Romania during the COVID-19 pandemic from a stakeholders' perspective. The approach is based on answering three research questions: (1) Which are the policies that tourism stakeholders benefitted from during the pandemic? (2) How do tourism stakeholders appreciate the utility and efficiency of the measures implemented by the government? and (3) To what extent do the stakeholders perceive these measures as providing long-term benefits? Methodologically, the study relies on the statistical analysis of data collected through a questionnaire applied to tourism stakeholders from Romania. The results indicate mixed perceptions regarding the implemented policies, with most stakeholders considering the received support as less than optimal. A positive perspective is given by the fact that although most stakeholders regarded the positive impact of the policies only in relation to the pandemic period, there are also stakeholders indicating long-term benefits of these policies. These results are useful for providing lessons from the recent pandemic and for suggesting ways for improving governments' response to future crises.
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The topic related to the European Union (EU) rules on the free movement of persons is a dynamic one. Part of these dynamic EU rules are also rules concerning the entry of third-country nationals (TCNs) into the EU’s territory. The Schengen rules regulate procedures and conditions for entry of third-country nationals for a period of up to ninety days. These rules need to be developed and implemented in line with the fundamental human rights rules. The EU has been criticized for many years for its lack of democratization due to the fact that it did not give binding character rules of the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the EU. The aim of the present research is to analyse the development of Schengen rules for the entry of third-country nationals (TCNs) into the EU’s territory in light of their democratization and respect for human rights. The aim is achieved through a historical, descriptive, and analytical approach that allows using the existing Schengen rules for the entry of third-country nationals (TCNs), relevant scientific articles and official documents of the EU’s institutions. Analysis of these materials proves that EU member states enjoy wide discretion in respect of implementing the current EU rules as regards entry of TCNs into EU territory. As a result, TCNs obliged to have a visa in order to enter EU territory might be subject to unequal treatment.
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The issue of political participation of immigrants in Poland is becoming current and is worth reconsidering by the state authorities because of the growing number of immigrants settling in Poland. Due to the structure of immigration to Poland, characterized by the dominance of immigrants coming from outside the European Union, these issues are not subject to EU regulations that apply only to EU citizens. It is an open question whether the Polish authorities will take action to extend certain political rights to immigrants from third countries who have moved the center of their life activities to Poland. The article discusses the issue of political participation of immigrants in Poland on the example of their activity in local elections in 2014 and 2018. The research objective is to identify the key determinants of electoral participation of foreigners and to analyze the data of the National Electoral Commission, showing the actual degree of use by immigrants living in Poland of their electoral rights at the local level (the right to vote and the right to stand for election). The conducted analysis aims to reveal formal and practical possibilities as well as barriers and challenges, especially of a systemic nature, in the field of electoral participation of immigrants in Poland, both those who already have such rights and those who could obtain these rights.
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The aim of the article is to present a mechanism for the operation of organised crime groups which undertake to facilitate the crossing of a state border against the rules. The deliberations were based on an analysis made on the basis of a case study of a criminal case in which the perpetrators were convicted of organising the crossing of Poland’s eastern border by other people in contravention of regulations, undertaken as part of an organised criminal group. It was verified whether, according to reports from the Border Guard and the European Commission, we are dealing with the activity of international cross-border criminal group or only with network of local criminal groups operating on the territory of individual countries and cooperating with each other. On the basis of the research method adopted, the structure of the group, its mode of operation and the characteristics of foreigners were shown. Part of the deliberations was devoted to the criminal law reaction to the phenomenon mainly based on the level of penalties imposed by the justice system. The penalties imposed in the case in question were analysed and compared with the criminal policy of the Polish justice system within the scope of Article 264 § 3 and 258 of the Criminal Code. This was juxtaposed with the postulates resulting from the implementation of European Union law.
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The aim of the article is to present one of the facets of the state’s approach towards irregular migration, namely identification of and reaction of the law enforcement and judiciary to the offence of facilitating or enabling unauthorised stay of another person and gaining personal or material profits from it (introduced to the Polish legislation in 2004). Based on the analysis of court files of 243 criminal cases, we indicate forms of facilitation of unauthorised stay (with predominance of document frauds) and analyse the features of the constitutive elements of the offence, i.e. facilitators, persons whose stay is enabled, and profits. We conclude that among convicted facilitators there are those whose intensions were far from enabling the stay of another person and actual facilitators often remained unidentified. We also point to doubtful court decisions, in particular those regarding undetermined profits and recipients or recipients sentenced as facilitators. Thus, we prove that despite the declared prioritisation of irregular migration as a problem to be tackled in Poland, the practice of the law enforcement agents and the courts reveals a determination to achieve easy targets, following known paths, as well as abandoning areas that require more attention and possibly also efforts.
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The subject of this article is to attempt to assess the impact of the 2015 European Agenda on Migration on the status of an EU citizen. This assessment was carried out in the context of freedom of movement under Article 21 TFEU, within two areas. The first one is the temporary introduction of controls at the internal borders of EU Member States, the second one are measures adopted by Member States and related to the maintenance of public order and public security, including protection against the terrorist threat. The research material is however relatively sparse, limited to selected provisions of the Schengen Borders Code and selected cases before the Court of Justice of the EU, still mostly pending. Nonetheless, one conclusion that emerges from this analysis is that EU rules, even if they actually restrict the legal situation of EU citizens, fall within the scope of acceptable restrictions. The real impact on the limitation of the rights attached to the status of EU citizen is in the Member States’ legislation.
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Institutional intercultural openness is a crucial part of urban inclusion policy towards migrants. In cities with a long history of social and cultural diversity such as Berlin, London or Amsterdam, intercultural openness provides migrants with full or partial participation, initiating activities in the metropolitan space, access to public resources, and social security. In Warsaw, a relatively new inflow of economic migrants from Ukraine, who constitute a large and heterogeneous group, has necessitated changes in municipal cultural and integration policies to facilitate the needs of the new group of recipients. In our article, we focus on results from 91 interviews with Ukrainian students living in Warsaw conducted between 2019 and 2020. We analyse whether, how and why young immigrants from Ukraine use the offer of Warsaw’s cultural institutions; what their expectations are and how their cultural participation is connected with their acculturation and integration. Our research shows that despite the fact that Warsaw tends to build up its culturally open policy for diverse participants, it is not adjusted to the needs of young Ukrainians. As a result, this new diaspora begins to create its own conculture (not to be confused with counterculture). We understand this phenomenon as a set of cultural practices initiated by a minority group of migrants in their new place of residence, which result from the national cultural script of this group. Through these practices, this group cultivates the community, without any connection to the dominant (national) culture of the wider society they belong to or in the space of which its members live. On the one hand, the diversification of a municipal cultural offer allows migrants to find their preferred places and events within Polish culture, although on the other hand, it creates a space for the development of concultural practices that can lead to ghettoisation.
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