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The existing „Code of Ethics for Employees” in Poland, as well as other documents prepared by representatives of all sciences gathered in research institutes of the appropriate reputation, do not in themselves distinguish between the specific characteristics of particular fields, especially between the humanities and nature sciences, The scientist in itself based on the general ethical standards in force in the European cultural circle. The purpose of this article is to attempt to exemplify the ethical dangers inherent in its scientific activity, and which derives from the specificity of the theory of historical cognition, whose verification differs fundamentally from the verification of conclusions formulated by rigorous sciences or social sciences based on statistical methods. This task was also undertaken with an indication of differences in the intensity of problematic ethical issues depending on the intent and object of historical research.
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The following article is based on a research on the prom night in Pernik region, Bulgaria. Some of the main problems illustrated in the article are related to the different ideas about the preparations for the prom. The main accents are the male and female points of view as well as the stereotypes deriving from the gender differences. The society perceives this phenomenon mainly as a female ritual, thus one of the main goals of the study is to show that the prom night is as important to the boys as it is to the girls. The article will focus on the gender specifics and the symbols typical of the ritual behaviour of the participants. Thus, we can understand the reasons behind the seniors’ practices during this celebration.
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The text discusses the two main trends for the ethno genesis of the Armenian people – the theory of indigenous origin, or at least the very ancient presence of the Armenians on the territory of the Armenian Plateau and the theory of their migration. The second theory – supported by information from various written sources - considers the Armenians as emigrants from the Balkans.The article also examines a number of lexical influences on the Armenian language – from the layer of its own Armenian root words, whose foundations can be recovered or traced back to the Indo-European language spoken thousands of years ago by the ancestors of all Indo-European peoples, to present days.
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The Velyanov house is located in the southwest, not far from the church “The Holy Trinity”, in the ancient neighborhood, in the small, beautiful town Bansko, which more precisely is located in the center of the town. From all the standard and classical descriptions and from its architecture, the house is classified like a typical house from this part of Bulgaria, as a typical house from the Pirin district from the XVIII century. Since the year 1967 the building and its unique mural paintings are announced to be a real monument with National importance.Through the centuries there were numerous and important architectural changes in the house. The authors of the study Nina Zlateva and Iliya Borisov think that in the beginning, The Velyanov house used to be a medieval house with rectangular shape and in its structure there is a two-chamber tomb. There is a proof about the existence of this tomb in the southeastern facade of the Velyanov House, over the frescoes, where there is a built-in stone block that happily survived through the years and it has a carved Runic text all over it. This is not only a proof but also an ancient way to protect the people who used to live in the house.
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From an anthropological perspective, the world of childhood is a combination of the world of children as well as the world of adults and it includes a process of cultural learning, which does not end with childhood. The present article seeks to answer the question where and under what conditions these processes take place in the light of the various spaces and their uses during holidays. Using visual narratives, the article presents case studies from the Roma neighborhood in the village of Belozem,Plovdiv District, and a micro neighborhood in the residential district of Stolipinovoin the city of Plovdiv.
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Тhe decade of 1944-1954 marked a prominent rise of the mass-song, which became a major ideological genre. It is a genre-product that performs the ideological, state and public order of the Communist Party in tune with cultural engineering. It embodies the economy of socialist production of culture: provision with contractions at all levels, realization through sponsored state chambers, secured by contractions with state institutions in a hierarchical state order. The mass-song is created in the system of state socialized art of socialism designed by the civil engineering of socialism. Still, something prevents it from growing into commercial art - it hinders its ideological, adaptive, traumatic nature, offsetting anger and fears. Its disharmonious duality is the cause of its crisis after a decade of generously sponsored development. In the party papers officially published by the Union of Composers in 1954 and then (1956, 1958) instead of a succession of successes and conquests of a broad audience, in the mass-song, a collapse, poor performance, a crisis. In the 1970s, this led to its encapsulation.
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Objects of research are sites of national memory in Germany and Czech Republic, devoted to St. St. Cyril and Methodius – creators of the Slavonic script and pioneers of the Slavonic liturgy. Nowadays these sites of memory – monuments, chapels – are centers of pilgrimage and com-memorative practices.
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Folk Orthodox Christianity in Bulgaria is a product of Bulgarian Orthodox mentality: this is the canonical knowledge that partially alters its form in time under the pressure of extreme external factors but retains its core relatively unchanged. It has indirect expression in all folk forms while the direct one is in the Christian prayer, rituals, and different beliefs. An interesting manifestation of folk Orthodoxy in the Orthodox temples of the town of Samokov is the practice that could hardly be defined as “canonical” or “non-canonical”: in the chairs, which are also called the thrones in the churches, are placed paper plates with names of pa¬rishioners. These are people who paid a certain amount of money to the temple so that the church board put their names and they could use these chairs during the liturgy: they stayed each in front of his/her chair and sit down when it was allowed to sit. It was considered to be especially pres¬tigious to have a throne (chair) in the temple and the deprivation of this privilege was regarded as a major insult. As a rule, people who took care of the church, donated money and worked as volunteers had such chairs/ thrones. Name plates are always present in the temple space, so the person symbolically “always attends” the temple and liturgy. The beginning of this practice can be placed after the end of the fifteenth century when bishop thrones were placed in the Orthodox churches. Its ubiquitous dissemination dates back to the second half of the 18th century. The peak was in the 19th century, when after the age of the Tanzimat (1839) began the intensive construction of orthodox churches in the Bulgarian lands. It should be borne in mind that the name plates on the chairs in the churches could play their role only when the literacy among the Bulgarians became widespread in the first half of the 19th century and there was a public that could read the names.Folk Orthodox Christianity in Bulgaria is a product of Bulgarian Orthodox mentality: this is the canonical knowledge that partially alters its form in time under the pressure of extreme external factors but retains its core relatively unchanged. It has indirect expression in all folk forms while the direct one is in the Christian prayer, rituals, and different beliefs. An interesting manifestation of folk Orthodoxy in the Orthodox temples of the town of Samokov is the practice that could hardly be defined as “canonical” or “non-canonical”: in the chairs, which are also called the thrones in the churches, are placed paper plates with names of parishioners. These are people who paid a certain amount of money to the temple so that the church board put their names and they could use these chairs during the liturgy: they stayed each in front of his/her chair and sit down when it was allowed to sit. It was considered to be especially prestigious to have a throne (chair) in the temple and the deprivation of this privilege was regarded as a major insult. As a rule, people who took care of the church, donated money and worked as volunteers had such chairs/ thrones. Name plates are always present in the temple space, so the person symbolically “always attends” the temple and liturgy. The beginning of this practice can be placed after the end of the fifteenth century when bishop thrones were placed in the Orthodox churches. Its ubiquitous dissemination dates back to the second half of the 18th century. The peak was in the 19th century, when after the age of the Tanzimat (1839) began the intensive construction of orthodox churches in the Bulgarian lands. It should be borne in mind that the name plates on the chairs in the churches could play their role only when the literacy among the Bulgarians became widespread in the first half of the 19th century and there was a public that could read the names.Folk Orthodox Christianity in Bulgaria is a product of Bulgarian Orthodox mentality: this is the canonical knowledge that partially alters its form in time under the pressure of extreme external factors but retains its core relatively unchanged. It has indirect expression in all folk forms while the direct one is in the Christian prayer, rituals, and different beliefs. An interesting manifestation of folk Orthodoxy in the Orthodox temples of the town of Samokov is the practice that could hardly be defined as “canonical” or “non-canonical”: in the chairs, which are also called the thrones in the churches, are placed paper plates with names of parishioners. These are people who paid a certain amount of money to the temple so that the church board put their names and they could use these chairs during the liturgy: they stayed each in front of his/her chair and sit down when it was allowed to sit. It was considered to be especially prestigious to have a throne (chair) in the temple and the deprivation of this privilege was regarded as a major insult. As a rule, people who took care of the church, donated money and worked as volunteers had such chairs/ thrones. Name plates are always present in the temple space, so the person symbolically “always attends” the temple and liturgy. The beginning of this practice can be placed after the end of the fifteenth century when bishop thrones were placed in the Orthodox churches. Its ubiquitous dissemination dates back to the second half of the 18th century. The peak was in the 19th century, when after the age of the Tanzimat (1839) began the intensive construction of orthodox churches in the Bulgarian lands. It should be borne in mind that the name plates on the chairs in the churches could play their role only when the literacy among the Bulgarians became widespread in the first half of the 19th century and there was a public that could read the names. Folk Orthodox Christianity in Bulgaria is a product of Bulgarian Orthodox mentality: this is the canonical knowledge that partially alters its form in time under the pressure of extreme external factors but retains its core relatively unchanged. It has indirect expression in all folk forms while the direct one is in the Christian prayer, rituals, and different beliefs. An interesting manifestation of folk Orthodoxy in the Orthodox temples of the town of Samokov is the practice that could hardly be defined as “canonical” or “non-canonical”: in the chairs, which are also called the thrones in the churches, are placed paper plates with names of parishioners. These are people who paid a certain amount of money to the temple so that the church board put their names and they could use these chairs during the liturgy: they stayed each in front of his/her chair and sit down when it was allowed to sit. It was considered to be especially prestigious to have a throne (chair) in the temple and the deprivation of this privilege was regarded as a major insult. As a rule, people who took care of the church, donated money and worked as volunteers had such chairs/ thrones. Name plates are always present in the temple space, so the person symbolically “always attends” the temple and liturgy. The beginning of this practice can be placed after the end of the fifteenth century when bishop thrones were placed in the Orthodox churches. Its ubiquitous dissemination dates back to the second half of the 18th century. The peak was in the 19th century, when after the age of the Tanzimat (1839) began the intensive construction of orthodox churches in the Bulgarian lands. It should be borne in mind that the name plates on the chairs in the churches could play their role only when the literacy among the Bulgarians became widespread in the first half of the 19th century and there was a public that could read the names.
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The following study has the purpose to research the cultural and historical heritage of several neighbor villages, to present the unifying factors related to the local identity of their inhabitants and to offer opportunities for the conservation and retransmission of their traditions and culture. The villages included in the survey are: Dolni Okol, Gorni Okol, Shiroki Dol, Relyovo, Belchin and Alino. An unifying factor associated with these villages is their location. All of them are located in the Samokov municipality, in the western part of the Samokov valley, in the valleys of the Plana Mountain and along the Palakariya. The work process includes tracking the history of the villages, as well as their current condition. The main motivation for choosing this topic is related to the tendency of depopulation in the countryside. The lack of continuity regarding to local traditions is a problem that needs to be discussed by cultural institutions and that needs a solution. History, folklore and traditions must be explored and described before they are forgotten. This study outlines the opportunities for cultural development in these villages and gives recommendations for preserving the local cultural and historical heritage. In this publication the reader would find the final results of the study, and last but not least conclusions and recommendations. The main benefits of preserving the local traditions have been discussed in the publication. Moreover, recommendations for future development of the villages are given. Furthermore, the benefits of preserving the local traditions have been analyzed. The recommendations for the development of the local cultural tourism include organization of open concerts in the mountain and building eco-tracks. A main topic that has been analyzed is the opportunity to create an ethnographic collection in the “chitalishte”, in which the history of the local communities will be presented, which is of a great importance.
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The centuries-long coexistence of Christianity and Islam on the Balkans has led to artistic interactions between them in modeling of gravestones and temples. These interactions concern the form of the cultic monuments and not their confessional ideology. The material presented originates mainly from the territory of modern Bulgaria. The study of this phenomenon can continue with the collection of new material throughout the Balkan Peninsula.
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