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The activity of the Union of Jewish Religious Communes in Yugoslavia (henceforth: the Union) was renewed on October 22, 1944. The Union was reconstructed on the basis of the pre-war organization that went into the same activities and bore the same name. Under the law valid at the moment the Union had been set up, it was treated as a religious community. In keeping with the changed social and political conditions, it was necessary to start the process of adapting to the new reality. The change of status and character of the post-war Jewish community was officially adopted at the sixth post-war conference of the Union of Jewish Communes in September 1952. This was made official by removing the word “religious” from the official name of the Union. After WWII there were some 4,400 Jews who had survived the war as civilians and members of the partisan movement in the whole territory of Yugoslavia. The population that had survived the horrors of the war in the Yugoslav territory was enlarged through arrival of refugees and POWs who had been in camps in occupiers’ or neutral countries. They were registered with the Union. Apart from Yugoslav citizens, among the refugees who contacted the Union there were also citizens of 18 European and non-European countries: of Germany, Switzerland, Turkey, USA, UK, Columbia, Spain, Syria, France and Poland. The Union of Jewish Religious Communes of Yugoslavia organized their lives too and took care of them, as well as of Yugoslav nationals.
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The Serbian bourgeoisie found itself in a particular social and political situation in 1944–1945. Apart from the victory of the People’s Liberation Movement in the liberation and civil war and the take-over by the Communist Party of Yugoslavia, it was determined by the division into two worlds, East and West, socialism and capitalism. The Serbian bourgeoisie, like that in other East European countries, found itself between those two worlds. On the one hand, according to the basic ideological values it espoused, it was turned westwards, whereas, on the other hand, geographically and politically it found itself in the area in which the new political and social forces headed by the Communist Party of Yugoslavia strove to establish the values which canceled the very basis of the existence of the bourgeoisie. Particular attention was devoted to democracy, as one of the great ideas of the Serbian bourgeoisie. In meeting and clashing with the revolutionary forces it was defeated and virtually “disappeared”, together with the bourgeoisie as political and social class. After difficult crucible with it met during the previous decades – for instance crucible connected with the fulfillment of the national ideal, i.e. the creation of a democratic state in which all Serbs would live, or temptations occurring within the multiethnic state, or those, particularly hard, created by wars, particularly WWII - the Serbian bourgeoisie was weak, divided, without the aid of a strong monarchy, army and support of the Western democratic powers in that historical moment to defend and save the achievement in which it invested political, economic and intellectual capacity and innumerable human losses. The older generation of the Serbian bourgeoisie which had experienced democratic political life was biologically, politically and in every way tired and spent. It couldn’t understand the new times which demanded changing one’s ideological and political views and opinions, as well as moral values and their adaptation to the new times. Neither did the younger generation of bourgeoisie which was supposed to take over and lead the struggle for democracy have enough strength, unity or capability. It ripened in the years leading to WWII and had no opportunity to realize what the real democratic and parliamentary life looked like. The new times draw them partly into the ranks of the Communist Party in whose ideals they saw beacons for better life and arrangement of social relations.
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Dr Latinka Perović je radila u Institutu za istoriju radničkog pokreta Srbije, kasnije Institutu za noviju istoriju Srbije od 1975. do 1998. godine. Njeno bavljenje istorijom društvenih ideja u Srbiji druge polovine XIX veka i rusko-srpskim vezama, tokom te 23 godine provedene u Institutu, rezultiralo je opusom od šest monografi ja (Pera Todorović, 1983, Od centralizma do federalizma: KPJ o nacionalnom pitanju, 1984, Srpski socijalisti 19. veka. Prilog istoriji socijalističke misli, 1-3, 1985, 1995, Planirana revolucija. Ruski blankizam i jakobinizam, 1988, Zatvaranje kruga. Ishod rascepa 1971-1972, 1991, Srpsko-ruske revolucionarne veze. Prilozi za istoriju narodnjaštva u Srbiji, 1994), kompletnim priređivanjem devet knjiga istorijskih izvora (pisma, članci, govori, dnevnici, uspomene, izabrani spisi: Pere Todorovića, Avrama Petrovića, Mite Cenića, Nikole Pašića), objavljivanjem više desetina studija, rasprava i članaka u zbornicima i naučnim časopisima u zemlji i inostranstvu, velikim brojem predgovora i pogovora u izdanjima istorijskih izvora za XIX i XX vek drugih autora kao i nizom prikaza istoriografskih dela. Dr Latinka Perović je održala takođe i veliki broj predavanja u zemlji i inostranstvu, učestvovala na međunarodnim i domaćim naučnim skupovima i bila promotor novih istoriografskih izdanja. Svojom ukupnom delatnošću ona predstavlja jednog od najplodnijih saradnika Instituta u njegovoj pedesetogodišnjoj istoriji.
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More than twenty years after the peak of forced migration process, we have an important bulk of knowledge related to this phenomenon thanks to many academic works conducted on its political as well as social aspects. We know that, being an involuntary form of migration, it differs considerably from the economic (i.e. voluntary) waves of migration both quantitatively and qualitatively: it is massive, unprepared neither in material nor immaterial terms, it leaves the migrants deprived of supporting resources from the village, the hostile environment in the urban setting marked by a stigmatising discourse. Thus, the consequences related to the integration-adaptation-survival of the forced migrants in the cities are also different.
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The study uses methodology “cultural memory studies” to feature the National Theater as a place of memory. It focuses on the building as a symbol and attempts to describe the way, in which the symbolic architecture represents the past and enters the memory praxis of the nation (decoration of the theater, canonical repertoire, festivities, collections and so-called theater trains as actions of national participation). The author adds a dynamic extent of remembrance to a traditional approach – place of memory as a depository of representations of history. He contemplates the National Theater as an “empty place” – a framework of a specific social and cultural context to deliver substance of the past. The study analyses the process of the National Theater constitution as a place of memory – especially in the connection with the 1881 fire. This “national tragedy” symbolized one of the most powerful experiences of the modern Czech nation, that as a strong shared affection reflected itself in the process of constitution of the national identity. In this instance the study utilizes theme of trauma used by Aleida Assmann in the frame of the memory studies. The study uses a few cases to demonstrate memory praxis closely linked to a symbolic space of the National Theater (production of the Čapek’s theater play the White Disease (Bílá nemoc) in 1937, role of the theater during political changes in 1989).
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In this paper, I will approach the celebrated masterpiece of nineteenth century American literature — Melville’s Moby Dick using the critical concepts developed by feminist and vegetarian critics within ecofeminist theory. Thus, we will first look at the cultural production of the texts of meat, which are developed by emptying out of animal subjectivity and treating animals as referents absent from the sphere of human morality. Next, we will look at the background of the Nantucket society and whale fishing industry, and its role in strengthening the texts of meat embodied in whaling. Also, the romanticizing of violence and myth making connecting the whale men with the hunters and pioneers venerated in the myth of the American frontier are then examined. The factory function of the whale ship is analyzed in terms of industrialization encroaching upon the world of nature, and of treatment of animals as consumable commodities. Lastly, the concept of »Manifest Destiny« is read through the spectacles of extinction of whales and other species.
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In The Poverty of Theory (1978) E. P. Thompson after a long period of theoretical silence in Marxist literature – especially “Western Marxism” – brings Friedrich Engels back in the very center of historical-materialist studies. Even though Thompson’s primary preoccupation is focused on a critique of Louis Althusser’s structuralist Marxism, he will simultaneously try to defend historical materialism from abstract and ahistorical theories by using Engels’ empirical template. Following Thompson, and in a similar vein, Marxist economist Paul Sweezy, in his introduction to his Four Lectures on Marxism, will strongly emphasize the importance of Engels’ approach to the dialectics and his critique of mechanistic and reductionist theoretical procedures. In this paper, we will try to briefly examine mentioned epistemological discussions inclined by Engels’ philosophy, but also take into account some of the recent eco-Marxist (John Bellamy Foster, Paul Burkett, Elmar Altvater) and feminist analyses (Lise Vogel, Michèle Barrett) which affirm but also criticize certain aspects of Engels’s social philosophy. In a way, we will try to give an overview and examine Engels’ presence in contemporary philosophy and theory in general, on the 200th anniversary of his birth.
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In the article I discuss the process of Engels’ search for a social alternative in the conditions of the pre-revolutionary crisis that struck Europe in the early 1940s. Twenty-two-year-old Engels became enthralled with it when he arrived in London in November, 1842. He was young, rebellious, of a brilliant mind and exploratory spirit. He belonged to a generation whose youth coincided with the culmination of the crisis of the Restoration period. Against this background, I want to look at the period that Engels spent between November 1842 and April 1845 in Manchester, where he arrived from his parents’ home in Barmen.
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Author revisits Engels’ study The Condition of the Working Class in England on the occasion of Engels’ 200th anniversary of birth. I examine and compare similarities of what was written 175 ago with contemporaneity. In this endeavour I rely on the same sources as Engels did: newspapers articles, official documents, reports, statistics and scientific studies. Hence the comparison can be made through examining topics such as: precariat and proletariat, migrants and their contribution to the functioning of (neo)capitalism, pregnancy and maternity discrimination, accommodation of workers and working conditions, housing and living conditions, the impact of the technological principle on the architecture and design of cities and districts, starvation and food insecurity and through artificial division of working and leisure time. I do not argue that things have remained completely unchanged. However, my examination reveals that in spite of the advancement in the past 175 years, same conditions that Engels described prevail mutatis mutandis today.
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This work examines the actuality of Engels’ text The Development of Socialism from Utopia to Science in the first fifth of the twenty–first century, taking into account the historical experience acquired within the hundred and forty years after its first release in 1880. The basic method used in the preparation of this work is the analysis of the content of Engels’ writings and its contextualisation within the historical specific social economic circumstances during the time of Engels’ life and today. The main finding of this work is that actuality of Engel’s text Development of Socialism from Utopia to Science rests on the continual existence of the capitalist mode of production internal contradictions, which, according to Engels, utopian socialism overlooked, but which scientific socialism has discovered through new historical materialist and dialectical study of class conflicts throughout human history. The main contradiction between the only socially usable production forces and private appropriation of the unapid for surplus labor of non possesing productive classes on the anarchic world market by the classes who posses the means of production, has not been overcome until our days. In the world proportions there still did not happen expected realisation of the revolutionary action of the exploited class of hired workers to create conditions for the leap into the realm of freedom, that is the taking of control of freely united producers over their own product. Elements of the utopianism of Engels’ writing originate from demoralizing pressure of the devastating consequences of the capitalist production mode, which reduces the conviction of potential subjects of revolutionary class alliance in the possibility of achieving the socialist “realm of freedom”. On the other hand, the author points out in this paper that in the case that there does not come to revolutionary leap from the realm of necessity of the anarchic capitalist merchandise production into the realm of freedom through the self–conscious and self organised revolutionary activity of all exploited and opressed classes, there wil come to the self–annihilation of the planet earth through human destructive, alienated and alienating action of acumulation of capital for the sake of acumulation, long before this annihilation was prediceted by Imanuel Kant and Laplace through the natural evolution of solar system.
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While K. Marx, when it is about agrarian and rural, mostly dealt with the questions of commercial agriculture, like land rent, work force, etc, his associate F. Engels focused on social position, fate and role of peasantry in (past and expected) revolutions. In this paper we give a review of Engels’s views on peasantry, with an analysis and a critique. With his descriptions of the social position of the German, the French and the Russian peasantry, and of rural commune as one of the traditional institutions of rural society, Engels contributed to sociology. His claims that peasantry must disappear and that it is not capable to protect and promote their own interests, exert a significant influence upon the political practice in the socialist societies of the XX century.
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The paper deals with the peasant question in the socialist thought of the second half 19th century, with special reference to the work of Friedrich Engels. In the classic socialist literature, the peasant question has long been marked as a marginal question of property, as can best be seen from Marx’s analysis in Louis Bonaparte’s Eighteenth Brimer. Almost half a century later, Engels approaches the peasant question from another angle, considering the problem of small peasants as a cultural, not just an economic problem. The paper will show that Engels’ analysis of the peasant question opened new avenues for socialist theory, which leads to a revision of the classical doctrine of the proletarian revolution and suggests an evolutionary path of social change.
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Friedrich Engels was philosopher, social theoretician, historian and journalist but also an incorrigible and an incorruptible heretic. In the society of religious-ideological obscurations he sought for truth and equality. To this end, relying on Bruno Bauer’s work on the historical origins of Christianity, he makes a comparison of the origins of the newly formed proletarian movement with the emergence of early Christianity, with the social, political and religious reasons for its emergence and survival as well as with the historical circumstances in which it from the unwanted became the desired state religion of the Roman Empire. With this text Engels wanted to sensitize so called “Christian” philosophical and theological public for his idea of creating a just society by the actions of emerging proletarian movements that were similar to the first steps of Christianity as a religion of slaves, freemen, oppressed and disenfranchised. However, societies of “real socialism” shows how great Engels’ illusion was.
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Questioning the views in the work of Friedrich Engels, “The Origin of the Family, Private Property and the State”, is the basic task of our effort to try to point out elements that are already known in the studies of this author, but also to get to know what are the moments from this well-known work, which seem different today as opposed to the period when Engels wrote it. Because, Engels greatly contributed to illuminating the genesis of the state, and the perspective of its development. Of course, considering the phenomena of culture and civilization, letters, analysis of the gentile order, its disintegration, and the formation of a new social organization - the state. This famous and influential book meaningfully describes, analyzes and gives a kind of synthesis of some of the most important phenomena in the development of human society, and the inevitable categories from the domain of social sciences and humanities as well.
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The paper deals with a relation between historical materialism and idealism – while proving idealism to be a profoundly conservative point of view – proving the thesis through an example of the contemporary political discourse of Zoran Milanović, and his so-called “liberal progressiveness”. Holy Family – Critique of Critical Critique can be read via contemporary examples that supplement materialistic interpretation of liberalism/idealism with the psychoanalytical interpretation of suppression of class conflict. A nature of liberal interpretation of the world vis-à-vis materialistic insights (undoubtedly and with clearness) epistemological and not only by facts – can be seen from The Condition of the Working Class in England, a study of young Engels that will be taken as a foundation of the materialistic understanding of the modernity and related figure of an unaccommodated man. A fundamental possibility of an overcoming of dialectical paradox in the figure of a proletarian as an unaccommodated man (while avoiding idealistic “displacements”), can be found in the development of technology as a possibility of overcoming of the capitalistic mode of production, as a foundation of development and personal freedom that can be achieved only in the community.
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