Bezdětný hospodář Arne Novák v zrcadle korespondence
The review of: ŠUBRTOVÁ, Milena, ed.: Krb neporušitelného přátelství: Korespondence Arna Nováka a Marie Veselíkové. Brno: Statutární město Brno, Archiv města Brna, 2015. 320 s.
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The review of: ŠUBRTOVÁ, Milena, ed.: Krb neporušitelného přátelství: Korespondence Arna Nováka a Marie Veselíkové. Brno: Statutární město Brno, Archiv města Brna, 2015. 320 s.
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Aim. The present article is an attempt to show the hardship and magnitude of risk experienced on a daily basis by people working for the restoration of the independence of Poland, by presenting a biographical profile of Władysław Musialik a.k.a. "Bolesław", with particular emphasis on his activities concerning independence in the ranks of the Polish Underground State. Moreover, the aim of the article is to show the position of distinguished underground activists in which they found themselves after the end of military operations in 1945. Concept. The author presents the fate of Musialik a.k.a. "Bolesław", focusing mainly on his underground activity, which began in September 1939 and lasted until 1947. The most important diversionary and intelligence actions in which the main character of the present dissertation participated, or of which he was the initiator, are also mentioned. Results and conclusions. By learning the life story of Musialik and the soldiers under his command, one can observe the reality of life during the occupation, the hardship of decisions made, and the responsibility resting on the shoulders of the soldiers of the Polish Underground State. The picture of occupied Poland presented by the author also shows the internal struggle and dilemma of the Home Army soldiers, who in 1945 were called upon to make themselves known. The result of these internal dilemmas was remaining in the underground despite the official end of hostilities. Cognitive value. The highest cognitive value of the article is constituted by the archival sources, unused so far, which introduce new, previously unknown facts from the life of Musialik a.k.a. "Bolesław". Thanks to them, the biography of a historically significant individual has been supplemented and may be considered complete. Moreover, these materials are a testimony to the history presented directly by Musialik, who, while applying for membership in the World Association of Home Army Soldiers, District of Czestochowa, wrote down his life story, which mainly includes his underground activities.
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In order to complete the image of scientist Grigore Antipa, during the critical period of foreign occupation of Bucharest during World War I, we publish a still unknown document regarding his activ ity as gerent of the Ministry of Agriculture. He was left at the disposal of the Romanian Government to manage the problems that could appear during the foreign occupation of Bucharest. After the end of the war, as other several Romanian officials from that period, Grigore Antipa had to present a report on his activity to the board of the Romanian Academy.
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This article aims to present the motives of the geopolitical restructuring of South-East Europe at the end of World War II with an emphasis on relations between Yugoslavia and Bulgaria. In this context, the author first identifies the interwar interests of four involved parties, namely: the Yugoslav and Bulgarian communist leaderships, and the political representatives of the Soviet Union and the United Kingdom. In the second part, the author describes the development of the idea of Yugoslav-Bulgarian integration after the War, first during the period of rapprochement between two communist parties, and then in the period of the Cominform crisis and the dramatic turnaround in their relations. Besides different macro-geopolitical visions, the author also identifies significant differences in motives at the micro-geopolitical level. Contrary to the proclaimed idea of the 'South Slavic Brotherhood', the Communist Party of Yugoslavia perceived the idea foremost as a maneuvering tool in its relations with the UK and the Soviets, while the Bulgarian Communist Party used the (con)federal idea for pursuing multi-layered interests. It was primarily a part of the strategy for resolving the Macedonian question, but the alliance with Yugoslavia was also a tool for protecting Bulgarian territories in the relations with Greece, and consequently leverage for strengthening the internal position of Bulgarian communists in the post-war consolidation process.
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On the one hand, the aim of this article is to introduce the figure of MD Berta Szaykowska to a wider audience. The figure of doctor from Białystok specializing in pediatrics and neonatology. But on the other hand, it is an attempt to take a closer look at her socio-cultural activities, the efforts put into the process of improving the hygiene and health of women from the lowest social classes. However, most of all, it is supposed to be a kind of an unique journey into the female world of the interwar Białystok. An image which reflects, via the heroine, the headaches of everyday life of those days. Regardless of whether they affected single mothers, students of a female gymnasium or local prostitutes. In the margin of the main narration, the presented text also includes Białystok threads related to the prominent names of Polish literature. Names including Bertha’s friends – Maria Dąbrowska or Tadeusz Boy-Żeleński, but also the last President of the Republic of Poland in exile – Ryszard Kaczorowski, who was related to her.
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The interwar Polish press for female readers was creating visions of present and future woman. Journalists were showing social expectations, both traditional and modern. The former view was presenting woman as a good wife, mother, and a role-model for the future generations of Poles. Whereas the latter vision was showing female as an equal partner to a man in creating civilizational changes in the independent country. Press publications addressed to Polish women fulfilled an educative function, offering means and techniques of alleviating social tensions. Moreover, these articles were meant to create an image of a future woman, who is aware of her role in the society: private (household, social contacts) and public (work for common good).
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The article is a report on the state of research carried out under the grant of the Minister of Science and Higher Education under the name DIALOG in 2019–2021 and participation in the research project entitled „Women’s History Research Center”, No. 0016/DLG/2019/10 – of the research team of prof. related dr hab. Jolanta Chwastyk-Kowalczyk with PhD students: Agnieszka Śliwa, Agnieszka Warzyńska, and Emilia Pobocha.
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The popularity of Odesa-themed restaurants across the world presents an opportunity to explore a possible core of the Odesa city myth, sedimented into consumer space. The article analyzes 63 enterprises in seventeen countries, examining the cuisine, interiors, restaurant concepts, media reviews, and visitor reports on social media. The theoretical framework of this study revolves around the concept of memory entrepreneurship, the concept of travelling mnemonic plots, and instruments of marketing semiotics, especially the “cultural mélange” phenomenon. The surveyed restaurants reveal a specific picture of an Odesa “memoryscape,” formed as a dense palimpsest. The key themes are the motifs of an inverted world and of a lost Paradise. The plot of the Odesa myth in restaurants outside Odesa can be described as a temporal loop, starting at several points simultaneously, traversing the space of the world, then collapsing and returning to the departure time in a gesture of grief over the lost paradise.
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REWIEW OF: Brendan McGeever. Antisemitism and the Russian Revolution. Cambridge UP, 2019. xii, 248 pp. Illustrations. Bibliography. Index.
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The aim of this paper is to discuss the relationship between the “legitimate” and “illegitimate” government in late medieval political notions through the prism of selected examples from the late medieval history of Dalmatia and Croatia. In order to better understand the topic, the selected examples will be placed in the theoretical framework of medieval political thought. Each of the examples represents a separate point of view, thus indicating the coexistence of different political views arising from conflicting interests. In other words, what was “tyranny” for some was legitimate and justified rule to others. The factional struggles in Trogir at the beginning of the 14th century, the chronicle discourse of Miha Madijev and his portrayal of the Croatian nobles, and finally the views expressed by the ambassadors of the Trogir commoners in Venice in 1421 prove to be very telling and characteristic examples. Following their analysis and that of some other examples, the author draws certain (comparative) conclusions about medieval political culture.
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The paper discusses the backgrounds and careers of several lesser-known officials who occupied various positions along the Hungarian-Ottoman frontier during the reign of King Matthias Corvinus of Hungary (r. 1458-1490). By examining their biographies and their place within the ruling elite of Corvinus’s Hungary, the study moreover elucidates how changes in King Matthias’s authority in the borderlands were reflected in the changes in his personnel policies, showing that the king gradually gained more control over his southern lands through a growing network of loyal retainers. The latter, moreover, successfully replaced the vestiges of older regimes – whose representatives often stood in opposition to royal politics – thus allowing the introduction of greater royal control.
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This paper examines the documents concerning the Uskok families of Žumberak with the last name Preradović, which were discovered by Dušan Preradović, son of the poet Petar Preradović, by searching various archives as well as on the basis of letters that he sent to the historian Emilij Laszowski. Our aim has been to reconstruct Dušan Preradović’s search for his family history, as well as his construct of a family tradition and identity developed on the basis of those findings. Dušan could not search the archives personally due to his obligations as a naval officer, so he employed experts such as Hermann Ignaz Bidermann and Emilij Laszowski. He was also troubled by his insufficient experience with historiography and so he was struggling to increase his knowledge, seeing Laszowski as something of a mentor. His search was probably the reason why he engaged in historiography and became a prominent Croatian writer of his time. He published his findings regarding the Preradović family in 1903 in the journal Vitezović, which was edited by Laszowski. During his search, he encountered several families with the last name Preradović, but he focused on the family of the Uskok Ivan Preradović from the region of Žumberak, which used to be a special militarized zone inhabited by freeholders subject to military service. This is not surprising, as John’s letter of patent, issued in 1626, was the basis for his father’s ennoblement in 1864, and subsequently for the social status of Dušan himself. Dušan was aware of the fact that his family connection with John was questionable, so he was trying to find additional evidence, and he broadened his search by questioning individuals who he thought might know more about the history of Žumberak, such as the Greek Catholic priest Jovan Hranilović. Although he did not manage to find definite proof of his family’s connection to Ivan Preradović, he and his family considered the latter as their ancestor.
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This paper aims at supplementing previous knowledge about the sanitary corridor on the border with the Ottoman Empire, which included quarantines, chardaks, and rastella, and extended from the Croatian Littoral to Hungary, with a special focus on the trade centre and fortress of Gradiška on the river Sava. Based on the archival sources, including newspapers and unpublished plans of quarantines and rastella built next to the frontier fortress of Gradiška during the 18th and 19th centuries, the paper presents the way in which the quarantine functioned in the mid-18th century, before it was abandoned towards the end of the century, as well as the emergence of rastella and the organization of the first hospitals. At the end of the 18th century, health care was organized inside the fortress, in the form of a garrison hospital, which is documented around 1780 in Stara Gradiška. Based on the public health legacy of the quarantine and the garrison hospital, and due to the efforts of Franjo Horak, Colonel of the Gradiška Regiment, a regiment hospital was built in Nova Gradiška in 1842. The military public health infrastructure was inherited by the civilian administration and the hospital of Nova Gradiška became a county hospital at the end of the 19th century.
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The review of: Marko Jerković, ed., Institutional Aspects of Church and Social History, Zagreb: University of Zagreb, Faculty of Croatian Studies, 2021, 223 stranice
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With an appropriate introduction about the establishment of falconry as a movement based on thoroughly researched literature, newspaper texts and archival sources, the paper shows the establishment and activity of the Croatian Falcon in Daruvar from its founding in 1906 until the beginning of the 1st January dictatorship (1929).
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The article talks about the preparations for the assassination in Slovenia (1940) of Prince Paul Karađorđević royal governor, who was the main bearer of royal power in Yugoslavia ever since the assassination of King Alexander on October 9, 1934, until the coup d’état on March 27, 1941. The person who ordered the assassination preparations was Ilija Trifunović Birčanin, who was the president of the organization National Defense. Birčanin was also an associate of the British intelligence service SOE, with the pseudonym Daddy. The royal governor, Prince Paul, was pro-British, and from 1935 he replaced the earlier Francophile foreign policy orientation of King Aleksandar Karađorđević with his Anglophile policy. However, due to new geopolitical relations in Europe, he advocated for closer economic and political relations with Germany. In 1940, this led to tendencies towards the physical removal of Prince Paul, which was not realized, but the overthrow of the government through a coup d’état was attempted, which was done on March 27, 1941. The British intelligence officers in charge of Yugoslavia were informed about the preparations for the removal of Prince Paul and the execution of a coup d’état, but the Foreign Office in London, i.e. Lord Hallifax himself, in July 1940 considered that it was too early for a coup d’état. The article is based on the testimony of the Yugoslav nationalist (ORJUN), Slovenian Filip Kosec, who was an operative of the National Defense and carried out certain activities in cooperation with the British SOE. Kosec’s testimony is confirmed by British intelligence documents published in 1980 by British historians Neil Balfour and Sally MacKay in their book „Paul of Yugoslavia. Britain’s Maligned Friend”.
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In this paper, the two authors deconstruct in detail five relatively wellknown claims of historical revisionists in recent years in Croatia - is the greeting „Za dom spremni“ considered patriotism or (Ustasha) provocation?; did a cultural and educational boom take place in the Independent State of Croatia?; how the revisionists invent that the women and children from the Ustasha camp in Đakovo were killed in Auschwitz (and not in Jasenovac); can the number of victims of the Jasenovac camp be determined only by exhumation?; Is Josip Broz Tito one of the biggest criminals of the 20th century? The authors believe that the pattern used by the revisionists in the described cases is always the same. They distort and even invent facts and various types of manipulations and mystifications, all with immediate political interest. The primary goal of historians is to research and come to new knowledge and present it, not to struggle with unscientific works (or it can be just one of their side jobs). With this text, we wanted to show the scientific and general public what the revisionists intentionally or unintentionally are wrong about and how different their theses are from what belongs to the domain of scrupulous scientific knowledge.
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Weber’s definition of power includes the existence of a social relationship, but also a possibility of resistance and, consequently, a conflict with it. The resistance to the enforcement of the will on the part of the side with power takes various forms: violent and nonviolent, individual, and collective. In sociology, peasantry is seen as a social class without power, that is, the one that always stands opposite powerful social forces, which exert their will over it. In this paper, the authors pay attention to everyday forms of resistance used by peasantry and analyzed by J. Scott, an American researcher. Historically speaking, the Serbian peasantry used everyday forms of resistance as well, especially during the periods of foreign domination. Everyday forms of resistance can also be observed in some other powerless social entities. The consciousness of social actors usually does not go beyond the understanding of open forms of (violent) resistance. Besides these open forms of resistance (macro politics), however, there has always been the micro politics of resistance, that is, the everyday forms of resistance, especially practiced by traditional peasantry. In this paper, we focus on the hidden transcript (Scott) of the traditional Serbian peasantry, using the funny folk tales as a sociological material. Resistance can be understood as the other side of power, always present in relations of power, even though in various forms. Traditional peasantry, being a social class without power, often uses everyday forms of resistance and, at the same time, forms a special kind of its own ideology, a hidden transcript. Among other things, a hidden transcript includes folk songs, folk tales, etc. From funny folk tales of the traditional Serbian peasantry we can understand how the peasantry saw their relation with the oppressors (the Turks and others). In these tales it was especially important to show that peasants are cleverer than the oppressors, since the violent means were in the hands of the Turks. Once the situation had changed, the open resistance took place of everyday forms, and the power relation changed as well. The wider meaning and explanatory use of the concept of everyday forms of resistance can be seen in the fact that they can be used for understanding and explanation of behavior of any powerless group.
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Review of: Revolution! 1989 – Aufbruch ins Offene. Hrsg. von Robert Grünbaum, Jens Schöne und Heike Tuchscheerer. Metropol. Berlin 2020. 227 S., 1 Tab. ISBN 978-3-86331- 538-2.
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