![Wstaje świt. Dzienniki młodych z pierwszych lat powojennych. 1945–1948](/api/image/getbookcoverimage?id=document_cover-page-image_539458.jpg)
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It is a memoir of Aleksander Uszyński, a rank-and-file soldier of the Polish underground army, a participant of the Warsaw Uprising, a German prisoner of war and a political emigrant in the post-war years. It frankly portrays his happy childhood in independent Poland, the tragedy of the outbreak of war, the motivation to join the underground, episodes of serving in the underground army and in the Warsaw Uprising. The memoir also describes his experiences in France when he had to make up for his educational limitations from the war time and adapt to a society that was new to him.
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Część pierwsza zawiera tekst przedstawiający historię w postaci wyników badań naukowych. Historyk odpowiada na pytanie o losy ambasadorów Niemiec i Polski przy Stolicy Apostolskiej w latach 1939–1945.Część druga przynosi tekst tzw. historii alternatywnej, czyli fantazyjne opisy świata, w którym fakty (znane z badań) pomieszane są ze spekulacjami, co by było gdyby…– gdyby hitlerowcy chcieli porwać papieża,– gdyby stosunek chrześcijan do Żydów był inny,– gdyby możliwy był proces Hitlera, gdyby diabeł notował myśli kardynałów, dyplomatów…
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A former member of the Jugoslav Communist Party discusses the Tito-Stalin rupture and attempts to analyze the probable influence on the conflict of the earlier and unresolved struggle between Serb and Croat.
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Published in 1921 by DEUTSCHE VERLAGSGESELLSCHAFT FÜR POLITIK UND GESCHICHTE, BERLIN // The author has been fellow employee of the League of Nations. // From her introduction: „To write a history of the peace conference today (=1921) would not only be presumptuous, but an impossibility. On the other hand, posting material that contributes to their knowledge is a duty. That is the consideration that prompted this work. The minutes of the Paris meeting are not yet available. Despite Wilson's "Open covenants openly arrived at"; despite Lloyd George's promises in Parliament. But some “who were there” have already given their testimony. Appointed and uncalled. These publications, all of which have appeared in foreign languages, are the sources for this publication. This book is not written out of party attitudes. Some may derive the justification for a war of revenge from this. But whoever draws this conclusion does not understand the doctrine which it loudly and irrefutably preaches. In proving the inability of the old ideology and diplomacy to bring peace to the world, it is a powerful reminder to get serious about the new attitude.”
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"Germany and the powers before the war in official writings of Prince Bernhard von Bülow" was published in 1929 "without his participation" by an "unnamed" (quote). Today's readers are well aware that confidential documents from politics and diplomacy are published without permission. Since this volume is an digitized remake of the 1929 edition, one does not learn much about the further history of the book, or only in the margin in the blurb: "Even if Bülow was expressly against the publication of these letters, they made big waves after publication (...) ". Bülow also died in 1929. One difference to today's secret documents on the Internet is certainly the time lag to the events: these documents date from the years 1903 to 1905, i.e. more than 20 years of buffer until publication --- and the emperor of that time was no longer in power. At the time of these documents, Bülow was Chancellor of the Reich. In addition to communication with numerous ambassadors (Madrid, Paris, London, St. Petersburg etc. etc.), this volume also contains parts of Bülow's correspondence with the emperor. In the age of imperialism and secret diplomacy, Bernhard von Bülow was one of the most powerful politicians. Bülow's top-secret correspondence with the quick-tempered Kaiser Wilhelm II gives an unadulterated insight into the innermost power structures of the German Empire. Based on the numerous letters to German ambassadors abroad, the targeted influence on the foreign powers can also be understood. Even if Bülow was expressly against the publication of these letters, they made waves after their publication and, as an original source, they are still of fundamental importance for today's research.
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"Germany and the powers before the war in official writings of Prince Bernhard von Bülow" was published in 1929 "without his participation" by an "unnamed" (quote). Today's readers are well aware that confidential documents from politics and diplomacy are published without permission. Since this volume is an digitized remake of the 1929 edition, one does not learn much about the further history of the book, or only in the margin in the blurb: "Even if Bülow was expressly against the publication of these letters, they made big waves after publication (...) ". Bülow also died in 1929. One difference to today's secret documents on the Internet is certainly the time lag to the events: these documents date from the years 1903 to 1905, i.e. more than 20 years of buffer until publication --- and the emperor of that time was no longer in power. At the time of these documents, Bülow was Chancellor of the Reich. In addition to communication with numerous ambassadors (Madrid, Paris, London, St. Petersburg etc. etc.), this volume also contains parts of Bülow's correspondence with the emperor. In the age of imperialism and secret diplomacy, Bernhard von Bülow was one of the most powerful politicians. Bülow's top-secret correspondence with the quick-tempered Kaiser Wilhelm II gives an unadulterated insight into the innermost power structures of the German Empire. Based on the numerous letters to German ambassadors abroad, the targeted influence on the foreign powers can also be understood. Even if Bülow was expressly against the publication of these letters, they made waves after their publication and, as an original source, they are still of fundamental importance for today's research.
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Any formation of thought is considered by Szende as an “Ideology” which exceeds, by interpretation, by conceptual definition, by intellectual converting, and by logical classification, simple human perception. It is the historical role of ideologies to bring individuals or masses, through psychological inducement, to either historical action or to passiveness concerning social order and its conservation or its reform resp. revolution. The main characteristics of ideologies triggering either conservative attitudes and passiveness or reform resp. revolution can be described as “Verhüllung” (disuise) or “Enthüllung” (unveiling). // “It is the essential feature of every revolution and crisis period that the social driving forces, which in less turbulent times are veiled, distorted, whitewashed, impetuously come to the surface from the depths, and are presented to human knowledge in an unadulterated form. Every revolution is the apocalypse of the unconscious, the real agents of events that have not yet been recognized at all or have been recognized in a different way. The potential energies of society - stored up since time immemorial - discharge themselves in grandiose shooting up, creating new things, destroying the old. The rate of the world clock is accelerated. A gigantic film shows the keen eye the biogenetic law of history; every stage of development in human society is shown to us in a flash of lightning.” (Paul Szende)
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The monograph deals with the evaluation of the scientific heritage of Jiří Levý, the founder of the Czechoslovak translation studies. The collective monograph is the work of eleven authors from the Czech Republic and Slovakia. The book, consisting of ten chapters, explains the innovative contribution of J. Levý in the field of translation theory and the ideas of his followers, introduces the inspiration of J. Levý’s translation concepts for translation criticism and practice and assesses the literary-theoretical thinking of the left and shows finally, the importance of his innovative thinking for the didactics of translation. Due to his interdisciplinary thinking about communication, literature and culture, the theoretical concepts of J. Levý have an extraordinary anticipatory potential from the perspective of linguistics, literary science and cybernetics. It was through this thinking that Jiří Levý passed his time. In the collective monograph, the authors attempt to examine selected aspects of researchers’ work and to assess their relevance to the work of today’s theoreticians, teachers, and translators. The editors of the volume are Zbyněk Fišer and Ivana Kupková.
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Basically, the question of Bessarabia arises, now, as in the past, in relation to that of the Straits. The importance of Bessarabia's wheat lands may also have something to do with the attitude of the Russian government as it attempts to resume grain exports to Europe after several years of crop failures. or even starvation. But the main thing is not there. Since Finland, the Baltic States and Poland have severely restricted Russia’s access to the Baltic Sea, it has attached greater importance than ever to the Black Sea problem. // What the Soviets see above all in Bessarabia is a territory which would allow them to get closer to Constantinople and the Straits - which they continue to consider as the door of their house - and which, moreover, their would make it possible to control the mouths of the Danube. This, it seems, is the real meaning of their attitude on the Bessarabia question. In this area, as in many others, Bolshevik imperialism is a fairly exact continuation of the old Tsarist imperialism. (conclusion by the author) . // PUBLISHED BY LIBRAIRIE FÉLIX ALCAN (Paris)
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This is a collection of documents of international politics and diplomacy presented to the Romanian Parliament by the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs at the command of His Majesty, the king. // Published in 1939 by the „BUCOVINA“ Publishing House in Bucharest (serial „Colecția“, issue nr. 9/1939)
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From 1924 to 1926, the Soviet government, or more precisely the Cheka, detained me, a foreigner, not guilty of any crime, in various places of detention, and finally deported me to the concentration camp. of Solovetzk for a period of three years, without prior judgment and in force by a simple decision of the Gué-Pé-Ou, in other words the Cheka. // My experiences in Soviet Russia are so implausible, because of the cruelty and cynicism shown towards me, that I have found it useful to add to this book the copy of certain documents extracted correspondence concerning my "case" and exchanged between the Consulate of Finland and the Public Commissariat of Foreign Affairs. Unfortunately, I am currently unable to publish in full the many documents relating to the talks between the Finnish government and the Soviet government regarding my arrest and release. But the few pieces that I have found opportune to publish amply confirm the veracity of my account. I would like to draw the reader's attention to the fact that in the course of the following account I have changed the surnames of the people I have mentioned, as well as certain circumstances, but only in cases where I do so. I deemed it necessary for the safety of these people, who are still alive and who are in a territory where they would risk being reached by the Gué-Pé-Ou, in other words the Tcheka. (from Author’s introduction) - DIGITIZED COPY OF THE 1928 EDITION OF «EDITIONS JULES TALLANDIER», Paris
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Napoleon said that a country’s foreign policy is determined by its geographical position and its permanent interests. German geopoliticians, led by Haushofer, did not contradict him. If, in our capacity as human geographer, we find the direct relation of the natural environment to politics too summary, by a method capable of sometimes misleading uncritical minds or even of justifying abominable acts, on the other hand, we are ready to follow Léon Némanoff in a similar demonstration, but which does not ignore the human factor and economic influences. // The author of “Russia and the Problems of Peace” is a specialist in Slavic issues, as we had noticed in the heyday of the S. d. N. His training meets scientific requirements. He even manages to remain objective, in dealing with his own country. This is not to say, however, that he will not let his patriotism pierce his words. And M. Némanoff will take us on an astonishing adventure, that of the Russian people. He will make us relive it as he feels it, intensely. Departing with him from the constants of Russian politics, we will watch a historical film which will now unfold logically, the characters of this poignant drama obeying in a way an irresistible imperative.
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publishjed by »Savez Jevrejskih Opština Jugoslavije«, Belgrade 1956 // Dr Albert Vajs: Na kraju prve i na početku druge decenije / Dr Andrija Gams: Društvene borbe kod stvaranja stare jevrejske države Vuk Vinaver: Jevreji u Srbiji početkom XIX veka./ Dr Lavoslav Glesinger: Jevreji i Hrvati u Arapskoj Spaniji / Dr Zdenko Levntal: Jedan velikan duha: Maimonides / Dr Samuel Pinto: Prosvjetne prilike bosanskih Jevreja za turske vladavine / Prof. Miroslava Despot: Zagrebački knjižar Lavoslav Hartman / Ladislav Fišer: Jevrejstvo Bačke / Jakir Eventov: Omladina iz 1918 godine / Jakov Atijas: „Esperansa“ — Jevrejski sefardski studentski klub u Zagrebu ./ Aron Alkalaj: Dvanaest godina Jevrejske čitaonice u Beogradu 1929—1941 / Mirko Sekelj: Učešće subotičke. jevrejske omladine u borbi protiv okupatora ./ Avram R. Mevorah: O radu Saveza jevrejskih opština prvih dana po oslobođenju Beograda / Aleksandar Levi: Dva potresna muzeja / Vera Stein-Ehrlich: čudo regeneracije / Bata Gedalja: Dr Fridrih Pops / Aron Alkalaj: Sećanja na Isaka Mašijaha / Sofija Almuli: Jelena Demajo / Maja Bošković: Magda Bošković / Edita Vajs: O jevrejskim dečjim zabavištima / Aleksandar-Dov Stajner: Logorovanje naše omladine / Dr Arje Levavi: Izrael danas / Cvi Loker: Razni aspekti jugoslovensko-izraelskih odnosa / David A. Alkalaj: Jugoslovenska alija / Dr Jakov H. Kalderon: O izraelskoj štampi / Dr Pavle Neuberger: Jugoslovenski Jevreji u SAD / Dr Solomon Gaon: Svetska sefardska federacija i njen kongres u Jerusalimu 1954 / Marko Marković: Pripovjedački lik Isaka Samokovlije / Bogdan Ciplić: Sećanje na Nenada Mitrova / Isak Samokovlija: Sarajevska megila / Ivo Andrić: Na jevrejskom groblju u Sarajevu / Hinko Gottlieb: Legenda o zimskom kaputu / Pavao Wertheim: „Baharaški rabin44 H. Heinea / Heinrich Heine: Djevojčica momku bje mila. — Gdje? / Heinrich Heine: Sleski tkalci / Zaječi, naša tugo / Liza i Oto Bihalji-Merin: Ulica mrtvih Jevreja / Gustav Krklec: Jevrejka s Bjelava / Desanka Maksimović: Suma u Izraelu / Ervin Sinko: Nisam se rodio da budem ganef! (Odlomak iz knjige: „Roman jednog romana" / Zak Konfino: Tiju Menahem razmatra slučaj Kraljevića Marka / Božidar Kovačević: Dete / Jožef Debreceni: Neverovatno leto / Magda Bošković: Mi Građanska djeca / Ljubiša Jocić: U varšavskom getu / Andreja Deak: Jevrejska legenda / Istvan Braun-Kvazimodo: I uspomene imaju svoju sudbinu / Dr Zeljko Lador-Lederer: Priča o tome kako se pet knjiga našlo na okupu 339 Ivan Ivanji: Pitanje Josipa Flavija / Đula Lukač: „Polizeistunde" / Maja Zrnič: Hijene./ Julija Najman: Riki se vratila / Eva TiČak-Vajler: Susret na Jadranu / Sonja Nahman-Premeru: Starost / Josef Finci: Liječnik / Rikica Ovadija: Dobar dan, ja sam Bunks / Vlada Rotbart: Ponovno viđenje / Vesna Demajo: Prsten / Zoran Gavrilović: Džon Hersej: „Zid" / Dr Teodor Kovač: Testament (Stevan Kvazimodo: Testamentum, roman) / Hronologija važnijih događaja iz života jevrejske zajednice u Jugoslaviji (1954 i 1955) / Bibliographia judaica jugoslavica 1945—1955 / Beleške o saradnicima i radovima.
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The present volume, which aims to show how the 1918/19 transfer of sovereignty taking place in what is now known as southern Slovakia, summarises the author's research on the subject over the previous four to five years. And although the region is inhabited by Hungarians and Slovaks, the book focuses primarily on the aspirations of the Hungarians living there, the reason of which is not only the numerical superiority of the Hungarians, but also the lack of national self-organisation of the Slovaks living there at the time. As Ondrej Ficeri put it in connection with Košice, it was in vain for the Slovaks to make up a large part of the population there if they had not yet been ethnicised and had not yet formed an organised national community that would have made its voice heard and would have tried to assert its will.The choice of perspective, i.e. the fact that I have focused my analysis primarily on the fate of Hungarians living in the region concerned, unavoidably implies that I am talking about Czechoslovak occupation in the book. For the Hungarians of Žitný ostrov or Gemer, the invasion of Czechoslovak troops was clearly an occupation, and this is how they felt in January 1919 and also when the Czechoslovak army occupied their region for the second time after the withdrawal of the Hungarian Red Army. I myself therefore feel justified in using this term.In the book I try to answer questions such as how the inhabitants of the region under study experienced the period of the Aster Revolution, how they reacted on hearing the news of Czechoslovak occupation, how they received the invaders, how their relationship with the new state power developed, and what events took place in the months of the turn in the region of present-day southern Slovakia.The chapters of the book review the events that took place on this territory from the autumn of 1918 to the autumn of 1919. However, the geographical accents are not evenly distributed, as very little is said about the region east of Košice, due to the lack of relevant sources. The main focus of the research was on regions and especially towns for which I had a wealth of archival and press sources at my disposal. I mainly examined Košice, Komárno, Rimavská Sobota, Lučenec, but also Levice, Nové Zámky and Rožňava. On the other hand, I will only touch on Bratislava, as the rich source material on the city would have been beyond the scope of this volume.Just as the volume is not uniform in its territorial accents, neither is it uniform in its thematic emphases. My attention was primarily directed on the interaction between the Hungarian population and the Czechoslovak power, and in this context on the transformation of life in the region under study, but not in a comprehensive way. Culture, the fate of the theatres, education and schools are just some of the topics that I have not examined. This is partly because they have already been dealt with by more qualified researchers in the subject. Nor did I feel motivated or well-prepared to explore the military history aspects of the subject.Little relevant literature has yet been written on the incorporation of present-day southern Slovakia into Czechoslovakia, or on how the towns here experienced the change of sovereignty. This volume therefore draws heavily on new, previously unexplored archival sources.The history of the political turn in southern Slovakia is both a history of disintegration and a history of construction, as the disintegration of the Kingdom of Hungary is accompanied by the construction of the Czechoslovak Republic. Despite this, the Hungarian literature on Trianon, or the Czech and Slovak literature on the formation of Czechoslovakia, almost always analyses only one of the two processes. The result of this cannot be much else than the incompatibility of the 'grand narratives'.However, the volume presented to the reader is primarily dominated by "small stories", local events and individual destinies, which can only be understood if the disintegration and construction are examined together, in their interrelationship. The contemporary history of Komárno or Košice and the people who lived there is at once the history of the withdrawal of the Hungarian state and the history of the establishment of the Czechoslovak state.The occupation of the region by Czechoslovakia was a more complex process than previously thought, in which the course of events was not necessarily determined by the opposition of the two centres of power, Budapest and Prague, but was influenced at least as much by local forces: the leadership of a given city, taking advantage of Budapest's passivity, the commanders of the occupying troops, and the interaction of these actors.Traditionally, the national aspect has been identified as the central organizing principle of the transfer of sovereignty in southern Slovakia, which assigns the place of the individual actors in contemporary events on an ethnic basis. This, however, is the result of a simplification and misunderstanding of the conditions of the time, and leads to erroneous conclusions such as that the Hungarians in Upper Hungary rejected Czechoslovakia, which, moreover, brought them democracy, solely on the basis of nationalism.But this is a misconception, as is the view that at the time of the change of sovereignty, the old, undemocratic Kingdom of Hungary and the new, democratic Czechoslovakia were opposing worlds in terms of their political systems. There are not only national motives in the attitude of the social democratic groups in Bratislava, in Košice and other areas (and even more so in the case of the German and Slovak workers who went on strike with them) towards Czechoslovakia. For the social democrats, the Aster Revolution was a victory for their earlier aspirations and the democratisation of the country, and the developments after the Czechoslovak occupation were perceived as a process against this. For them, as a manifesto of the workers in Košice indicates, the Czechoslovak army was both a representative of an alien national and class (imperialist) power, and this was what made their rejection so fierce.The two elements of the change of sovereignty in Upper Hungary, the disintegration of the Hungarian state and the establishment of the Czechoslovak state, were an overlapping process. From 29 December 1918, when the Czechoslovak troops occupied Košice, the Czechoslovak state power was already present in the city, but the Hungarian state was also there: its institutions were there, its laws were in force and, above all, its representatives were there. Although the city already belonged to Czechoslovakia, in January 1919 the Czechoslovak presence was stronger in only one segment of the state power: the army. In everything else (institutions, legislation, administration), the Hungarian state seems to be more dominant. And even if its influence is gradually diminishing, while the Czechoslovak presence is gradually growing stronger, it is still present. If this had not been the case, the arrival of the Red Army of the Hungarian Soviet Republic could not have restored the 'Hungarian world' so quickly. The change only accelerates after the second "Czechoslovak occupation", when not only the institutional and administrative takeover is completed, but also the population's acceptance of Prague's power increases.For the above reasons, I believe that one of the most important messages of this volume is to emphasise the phenomenon of transience, even though this concept is not a well-established element in our historiography. However, even if we ignore it, transience is a phenomenon that exists, a phenomenon that marks the in-between periods when the usual order of society ceases to function, or functions only partially, because of some kind of rupture, while a new order is already in the process of being formed. From the point of view of the region examined in this volume, i.e. southern Slovakia, the period of almost a year from autumn 1918 to autumn 1919, during which the role of historical Hungary was taken over by the Czechoslovak state, can rightly be regarded as such a period. The months of transition.The feeling of transience was strongly linked to another feeling, that of uncertainty. For the citizen of southern Slovakia, it was not the fact of change per se that was frightening, but rather the uncertainty that went with transience. The unpredictability of the future. The approach of the Czechoslovak army was also a source of fear, primarily because they did not know what it would bring and what it would entail. And the final demarcation of the borders and the second occupation was a step towards consolidation because it put an end to uncertainty.From this point of view, the gradual abandonment of the rejection of the Czechoslovak state by the Hungarians of southern Slovakia and their pragmatic acceptance was also the result of a desire for certainty and stability that could replace uncertainty. From the summer of 1914 onwards, this was perhaps what they lacked most of all. It is a curious twist of history that it was Czechoslovakia, not Hungary, that gave them stability. Then and there it seemed to be enough to reconcile them to their fate in the long term. It did not take long, however, for it to become clear that this was not enough, that the Hungarians, from Bratislava to Košice, expected more.
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The book presents the history of founding of a summer resort, at present known as Żarki Letnisko, located in the Jura Krakowsko-Częstochowska region. The settlement is a very rare example of a successful subdivision of manorial land in the interwar Poland with a view to create a “garden city”, comparable to that of Podkowa Leśna near Warsaw. The process of developing the “garden city” of Żarki is presented against a broad backdrop of ideological, social, and economic transformations taking place in the Second Polish Republic. The book also portrays the founder of the “garden city” of Żarki – Karol Raczyński from Złoty Potok, as well as his wife Stefania and his most famous ancestors coming from aristocratic families of Krasińscy, Braniccy and Raczyńscy. Furthermore, the general concept of “garden city” is discussed, along with its evolution and reception on the Polish lands.
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Polazeći od pitanja „Ko čisti svijet?“, ova knjiga ispituje feminističke borbe u kontekstu nasilne i brutalne kontrarevolucije. Ovo pitanje potaknulo je štrajk crnih i smeđih žena koje čiste željezničku stanicu Gare du Nord u Parizu. Nije to bio prvi štrajk te vrste, niti prvi put da smo vidjeli rasijalizaciju i feminizaciju slabo plaćene i potcijenjene djelatnosti čišćenja i skrbi, niti da se raspravljalo o ulozi društvene reprodukcije u kapitalizmu. Ipak, taj je štrajk ponukao da se čišćenje sagleda u kontekstu pokreta #MeToo, Black Lives Matter, javne osude policijskog nasilja i femicida, masovnih feminističkih demonstracija i štrajkova, posebno u zemljama južne hemisfere, ali i u kontekstu feminističkog rasizma, imperijalizma, militarističkog nasilja kao rješenja društvenih problema i rasnog kapitalizma. Od tada je pandemija virusa Covid-19 pokazala da je „proizvodnja [...] grupno diferencirane osjetljivosti na preranu smrt“ konstanta rasnog kapitalizma. Pandemija je otkrila duboke nejednakosti i nepravde u pristupu zdravstvenim uslugama – da pravo na disanje nije univerzalno – te nimalo iznenađujuću, ali ipak uzrujavajuću činjenicu, da je stopa smrtnosti veća među crnačkim, starosjedilačkim, smeđim i siromašnim zajednicama, onim koji nose težinu izgubljenih poslova i povećanog siromaštva dok milijarderi postaju sve bogatiji. Rječnikom „rata“ opravdavalo se slanje nezaštićenih radnika na „bitne“ poslove na „prvoj liniji fronta“. I na koncu, pokazala je da stvaranje sigurnog i čistog svijeta za nekolicinu počiva na iskorištavanju i izvlaštenju mnogih, da ekstrakcija ostaje logika kulturnog i ekonomskog imperijalizma i da je podjela između života koji su važni i života koji nisu važni – linija koja se neprestano iscrtava – i dalje snažna. Upravo u tim konkretnim borbama učvršćujem dekolonijalni feminizam, u želji da razbijem seksizam, rasizam, kapitalizam i imperijalizam, i da „sve promijenim“, kako kaže Veronica Gago.
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published in 1947 by the Bulgarian Ministry of Information and Arts / Press Department
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