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This paper looks into different aspects of compulsory veil in post-revolutionary Iran and discusses this discriminatory and exclusionary law as a social justice problem. The paper also demonstrates and brings into the light a number of consequences related to implementation of compulsory hijab in Iranian society that has led to gender-based violence targeting women.
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The countries that were part of the Soviet Union were forced to start on their own the democratic process after the disintegration of the communist bloc. These countries had to enter the new world order that had been unknown to them. Two ways were developed in order to achieve their development as newly independent states. Firstly, the new independence countries have opened up to the European Community in the 90s. And secondly, the countries that remained linked to Russia in order to achieve the stability of those first moments. In the case of Ukraine, its path as an independent country began on 24 August 1991, and since that year its main task has been to strengthen its position as a state. Ukraine initially remained linked to Russia somehow through different policies. However, there was a change due to Ukraine's need for assistance in different areas: from social and political to economic. From this moment the institutions of the European Union came into play in Ukraine to promote its modernization and democratization. It is necessary to know which were these means and how they have served to advance these relations until the entry into force of the Partnership and Cooperation Agreement in 1998. In order to carry out this analysis we will address with specialized monographs and articles related to these subjects, as well as the extensive documentation provided by the European institutions.
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The cultural and historical heritage of the state includes, in principle, both material specimens and the facts and interpretations preserved in historical literary works. Rhodope Mountain is one of the picturesque Bulgarian mountains. In the area of Smolyan district is Momchilovtsi village. The article presents information that Konstantin Kanev devotes his remarkable literary work to this settlement and to the local people as well as the collections of short stories later published. The preserved memory of the future through the literary work and social activity of Konstantin Kanev is his most significant contribution to the history of the Middle Rhodopes and Bulgaria.
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The modern town of Ihtiman owes its establishment and further development during the Ottoman period to the members of the noble Mihaloğlu family who settled in Ihtiman and turned it into its residence and a center of its large pious foundation, founded to support the religious, charitable and educational institutions built in the town. The history of Ihtiman remains closely linked to the Mihaloğlu family ever since its establishment until the end of the Ottoman rule in the Bulgarian lands. The present article outlines the development of the waqf of Mihaloğlu Mahmud bey in the area of Ihtiman from its foundation till the first decade of the 20th century in an attempt to point out to its importance for the period of Ottoman rule as well as during the period immediately after the proclamation of independent Bulgaria when the so-called “waqf question” occupies a key place not only in the international relations of the young national state with the Ottoman empire but it also stood out as an essential problem in internal politics as well. The documents from the period after the Russo-Ottoman war of 1877–1878 allows for the elucidation of certain hitherto understudied questions connected to the last years of Ihtiman pious foundation’s existence in particular, as well as to the tracing out of the fate of the members of the Ottoman elite in the face of the Ihtiman waqf administrators during the new political and economic conditions of the national Bulgarian state.
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The article aims to show some unknown historical facts about the death of King Edward VII of England. In this context the political relations between the British Empire and the Kingdom of Bulgaria are developing. In view of the polarization of Europe between the Triple Alliance and the Entente, Sofia seeks to secure the support of London and to establish good connections and feelings. Bulgaria’s foreign policy is still with loose hands, but considering the pursuit of national unification, it looks for allies and friendly countries. Naturally, King Ferdinand I and his family ties to the royal family of England are naturally counting, given the English-Russian idea circulating in the diplomacy of 1908-1909 to create a Balkan Union.
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This article analyses the process of choosing different strategies of identification by Bulgarians in Ukraine. The present state of ‘identification processes’ against the background of ‘war of memory’ and ‘invented traditions’ places them among the priority problems of science and politics. The subject of analysis is the specifics of the formation of collective memory, which is at the root of the choice of identification strategy: commemorative practices, mechanisms for the memorialization of the past, the correlation between the local history of the group and the national strategies of Bulgaria and Ukraine. The conclusion is that the choice of identification behaviour is influenced by the efficiency of social adaptation under specific historical circumstances. The social resources at the disposal of the group in any particular moment influence the choice of vectors of collective memory and predetermine the formation of defensive practices aimed at preserving the group.
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The objective of this article is to outline in the light of the relations between the nation-state and the various religious organizations and individuals the main tensions in the contemporary Bulgarian society concerning the intertwining of religion and secularism. The general goal is to combine the presentation of national historical context, existing legislation and the current social debate based on fieldwork.
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The research of the media publications and TV shows after 1989 with the participation of a certain group of musicians - the artists making Estrada - shows that there is an area where the power of the audience is a necessity that preserves the power of the author. The Estrada musicians describe their audience as a ‘good person’ or a child, they need to teach how to recognize valuable music. In the period 1990 - 2017 the musicians draw a couple of key images of the audience: the weddings audience, the parents and the child in the audience, the supranational symbol, the constantly reminded image of the “phenomenon soviet audience”. A key finding of the research is that the musicians clearly distinguish between “concert audience” and “media audience” as imaginary communities.
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Conference report on the International science conference '(Re)thinking socialism: knowledge, memory and oblivion of the socialist past'
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The article aims to reveal in most general terms the police actions against one of the major Bulgarian students’ organizations during the 30s of the 20th century. Documents from the archives of the Ministry of Interior and of Sofia District Court and studies on the police and on the justice system of the period have been used. Some of the main methods of collecting information and neutralizing the activity of the Bulgarian General National Union of Students (BGNUS) used by the state and its repressive bodies are revealed. Examples of the systematic violation of university autonomy by the police are provided but also examples of the popularity, which BGNUS acquires among students despite the prosecution and the semi-legal status of the organization. In view of the revealed data, it becomes questionable whether the government of Andrey Lyapchev and of the People’s Block during whose period of office BGNUS was constituted and developed its activities, has been of democratic nature (as supposed today by a large number of modern historians).
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What is the modern understanding of the Islamic fundamentalism today? What is the difference between Islamic fundamentalism and Islamic terrorism? What is the political definition for these two topics? What is the forced public opinion for these social phenomenon? What is political Islam? Where is the common ground between religion and politics? The historical science and the history of the Middle East from the recent past (the last 50-60 years) gives us different answers to these questions compared to the modern political rhetoric from the end of the last century.
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Тhe article presents an exploration of the “life” of one of the 20th century's symbolic symphonic works in Bulgarian musical culture – composer Petko Staynov’s “Thracian Dances” suite. The starting point of this study is research into some of the archival documents related to the work’s first performance in 1927. The next stage goes through the analysis of the piece’s presence in textbooks from the last third of the last century to the adoption of the Law on Pre-school and School Education. The final stage of this study is focused on the presence of the work and the educational context it is linked to in some of the contemporary Bulgarian textbooks.
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In the Western European novel, the death of the nobleness of the soul brings to life the “social realism” characteristic of Balzac’s work. This change is signified by the transformation of the novel’s protagonist from a moral into a social individual (S. Hadzhikosev). Later, this development will logically progress into the ascension of the antihero and conclude with the “cynical realism” (“réalisme cynique”), preached by authors like Frédéric Beigbeder. Reflecting on several major novels written in the 19th and 20th centuries, this article strives to answer the principal question of whether the novelist could take another realistic path, and tries to imagine what this path would look like.
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The article describes the community of victims of the Katyn massacre, executed pursuant to the decision of the BP KC WKP (b) of 5 March 1940 The camp list was dominated by military and police officers and the prisons list was mostly civilian prisoners. The most important elaborations of the collective lists of victims were presented and also selected parts of the community were described, among others, in terms of profession or origin from a specific area of Poland. The author presented the state of research regarding the national composition of the community, and after having compared the information with Soviet documents, presented his view of the problem. The article emphasized that most of the victims of the 1940 murders were officers of the Polish Army and officers of the State Police and members of smaller uniformed formations. The fact that they belonged to these groups was determined as sufficient criterion qualifying them for extermination. The author provided statistics on the number of victims from individual uniformed formations and put forward the demand for further research regarding the various groups of those killed. Finally, he outlined a group portrait of the victims of the 1940 crimes, in terms of the most important criteria from the point of view of the Soviet authorities and historical sociology. In conclusion, it was found that the collective profile of the victims of the Katyn massacre were strongly defined by two distinctive features:service to the Polish state and attachment to Polish character.
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