" ال سرَّ وأخْفَى" المعنى والدلالة دراسة تفسيريَّةٌ تحليلية
In our paper, the meanings of the words "secret and hafa" in the 7th verse of Surat al-Taha in Qur’an. These words in our study are discussed in terms of faith and flow.
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In our paper, the meanings of the words "secret and hafa" in the 7th verse of Surat al-Taha in Qur’an. These words in our study are discussed in terms of faith and flow.
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This paper provides a comparative analysis of verbal synesthetic metaphors with the basic taste adjectives in Polish and English: słodki/sweet, gorzki/bitter, kwaśny/sour, słony/salty. Since taste seems to be an ideal candidate for a universal, biologically determined source of metaphors, the authors seek to verify the hypothesis of metaphor embodiment. The corpus-based analysis of nominal phrases with basic Polish and English taste adjectives indicates that cultural influences on the metaphorical mapping, as well as the importance of the target conceptual domains, must be taken into account.
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Epistemic properties of a man constitute the base for change. So far little attention has been paid to those properties in semantics. Questions of epistemic factors, which influence the formation of specialised neologisms, have not been posed. The keynote of this article is the attempt to answer this question. To achieve this goal, I attempt to explain such expressions as ‚neo’, ‚epistemic’ and ‚specialised neologism’. Then I proceed with the presentation of the results of the analysis of an interview. The subject of the interview is the Polish neologism ‚auleta’, created by Maciej Kaziński during his work an the translation of John Landes’ Music in Ancient Greece and Rome.Epistemic properties of a man constitute the base for change. So far little attention has been paid to those properties in semantics. Questions of epistemic factors, which influence the formation of specialised neologisms, have not been posed. The keynote of this article is the attempt to answer this question. To achieve this goal, I attempt to explain such expressions as ‚neo’, ‚epistemic’ and ‚specialised neologism’. Then I proceed with the presentation of the results of the analysis of an interview. The subject of the interview is the Polish neologism ‚auleta’, created by Maciej Kaziński during his work an the translation of John Landes’ Music in Ancient Greece and Rome.
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The word "dellek" can mean barber, circumcisionist, and dentist, and can even refer to male servants who would wash and massage male customers in Turkish bath houses. Delleks would draw blood, cut for jaundice, and cut palates, as well as treat grapes and warts. The word comes to us from an earlier form, "tellak", carrying the same set of meanings. One might infer that delleks treated and beautified the human body, and were masters in their own right. Their female counterparts were referred to as "natır." Like delleks, natırs engaged in a wide range of activities, including scrubbing, massaging, make-up, eyebrow trimming, waxing, manicuring, pedicuring, tattooing, piercing, preparing nose and earrings, and assembling bridal head gear for weddings. Both terms not only are commonplace throughout many aspects of society, but they also refer to a collection of occupations whose lexical roots are self-explanatory. This study will look at their usage in the context of the Azerbaijani language, with a particular focus on their various meanings.
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The first part of the article explains the difference between two expressions: "I am dressed up in Šokac costume" (spremila sam se u šokačko) and "I wear Šokac costume" (nosim se šokački). The first expression means that a person is dressed in the national costume characteristic for Šokci (Croats native to the eastern part of Croatia, around the cities of Slavonski Brod, Vinkovci, Županja, Našice, Đakovo), while the second expression means that a person wears the national costume daily, although modified to include some degree of city clothing. The article is based on field interviews in 1993/94 in villages near Županja (Bošnjaci, Cerna, Drenovci, Račinovci, Vrbanja, Štitar), which sought to learn more about the Šokac national costume in that region. Many authors have written about the Šokci, in particular about the etymology of the word or about the origin of the group, using mostly historical and linguistic sources (Sršan, Stjepan 199). In this region, where Šokci live intermixed with other Croats as well as with some minority groups, the term Šokac at the beginning of the 20th century always referred to Croats who were both Catholic and peasants and whose families had long been settled in the region (starosjedioci). The results of the current research point to the two meanings of the above-mentioned expressions, and shows that the phrase nosim se šokački, that is, I wear Šokac costume, is an outer sign of the wearer's identity, even up to the present day, to differentiate the wearer from others who also wear the costume. In the 1950s alongside the first meaning, another, new meaning gradually came into use, expressed as spremila sam se u šokačko, that is, / dressed up in Šokac costume. This latter expression means that the person only sometimes wears the local costume. She may or may not be a part of the Šokac community. Those women who are Šokice may or may not still be employed in agriculture, and in fact can live in either rural or urban areas. The second part of the article gives the preliminary results of research of women's Šokac costumes of Županja region. The terminology of basic parts of the costume, of clothing and head arrangements are indicated in the tables. The terminology differs between the area west of Županja on the one hand and that east of Županja on the other. This field research will be continued, the tables will be completed with other data and will be expanded to include the remaining places so that we may acquire a regional picture of Šokac costume.
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This paper attempts to explicate the meanings of expressions representing a specific type of genitive metaphor — binding two notions by the rule of conventional, surface sameness. This article aims to prove that the genitive function that appears in this kind of expression is part of a general pattern modelling the semantic roles of this case. This pattern presents the genitive as a lingual indicator of the relation between a “smaller range” object and a “larger range” object and explains the essence of the semantic function appearing not only in this particular type of genitive metaphor, but also in structures such as genetivus definitivus.
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This article deals with the classical text cycle ofTibetan religious practice "The Profaund Dharma of the Natural Liberation through Contemplating the Peaceful and Wrathful Deities"that was written down in the 14th centuary, explaining phenomena of the death moment, as well as the period of existence after the death. The title of the text is a topical problem, because in Western society, already starting with the first translations, this book is known with a completely different name ( "Tibetan Book of Living and Dyingj, thus creating quite another perception and approach than in Tibetan culture. Alongside with the analyses of the title of the text,the article also traces back to the historical emergence of dying rituals and afterlife theory in ancient India and Tibet.
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In this essay/article, after introducing briefly the ideas expressed by various linguists on the matter in question, the author throws into discussion two issues: the origine of the patronymic Buzuku, as well as the origine of the name of Gjon’s father (Bdek), giving thus his contribution. He thinks that the two names, Buzuk and Buzuq, are nominal compounds. There is no doubt that the first part of these compounds is the noun buz/ë/(lip/s), but with the meaning ‘brink, border, bank’. It seems that with this meaning, are especially linked the toponyms and micro-toponyms, numerous throughout all the toponomastic nomenclature in our country, which come out since early times in various medieval documents to our days. The second part of Buzuk/Buzuq is the name Ujk (wolf), which appears since early in documents as personal name. It seems, then, that in Buzuk as well as in Buzuq, we have a compounding or a juxtaposition of two nouns, which originally named a place, buzë ‘brink’, where there were wolves, this perhaps in connection to some occurrence, now petrified in the micro-toponym Bazulk (respectively Buzuk). Later the noun must have been used as a patronym; over time it may have passed also to the naming of the village according to the name of the kin holding it. We are then within that circle which E. Çabej calls ‘the system of Albanian anthroponomy’.
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This study deals with the notion of leadership, envisaged broadly as the quality of a head of state to lead his people towards a common goal while conveying the image of a role-model by both his actions and statements. During his presidential term, a head of state is confronted with many institutionalised contexts where he is expected to issue an official speech. From the numerous official speeches that a president is likely to deliver, I have chosen to dwell on one of the most ritualised discursive sequences, namely the presidential greetings on New Year’s Eve, in order to highlight how the presidential ethos is built through discursive and extra-discursive elements. In this context, I have taken into account the greetings of the Romanian ex-President, Traian Băsescu, from the period 2004-2013 (he was elected twice) with a view to analysing both the purely discursive devices (speech acts, appellatives, semantic content emphasized) and the extra-linguistic elements (place where the discourse is delivered, communication channel). The analysis aims at answering the following questions: Can we consider the presidential greetings and the choices made within and outside the discourse itself as indirect evidence of the diminution of the public support that the president had benefited from? Do the greetings emphasize the president’s effort to adapt to his audience while maintaining the tradition of a well-established ritual?
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The paper offers a short analysis of the word hála, attested in Serbo-Croatian, Macedonian and Bulgarian, including Banat Bulgarian. This noun is originally used to denote the daemon causing the storm of hail and tempest. According to popular beliefs the principal attributives of hála are enormous size and strength. Hála, being mainly the personification of the storm of hail, we also present, briefly, customs related to protection from hail. Referring to Banat Bulgarians, even if none of those we surveyed could not describe an accurate representation of the hála, there are some details that clearly demonstrates that we are dealing with the personification of a mythical being.
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The aim of this article is to observe how semantic peculiarities travel across languages and cultures. The original book, The Big Fat Giant, by Roald Dahl lends itself perfectly to such a comparative study due to its linguistic and semantic features that need to be explored in order to understand how they were brought to the Albanian language and culture. Classifications of several levels at which mismatches occur are mentioned, such as mismatches at the level of syntax, semantics and phonetics. Examples are given to illustrate each level. The discussion is enriched with observations and examples from the intertextual level. The paper concludes with findings which refer to this tale in particular and recommendations for further research.
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This paper deals with the three types of modality – epistemic, deontic and dynamic. It examines the relation between the synchronic uses of the modal auxiliary must and the semi-modals have to and have got to as well as their Lithuanian translation correspondences (TCs) found in a bidirectional translation corpus. The study exploits quantitative and qualitative methods of research. The purpose is to find out which type of modality is most common in the use of must, have to and have got to; to establish their equivalents in Lithuanian in terms of congruent or non-congruent correspondence (Johansson 2007); and to determine how Lithuanian TCs (verbs or adverbials) correlate with different types of modality expressed. The analysis has shown that must is mostly used to convey epistemic nuances, while have to and have got to feature in non-epistemic environments. The findings show that must can boast of a great diversity of TCs. Some of them may serve as epistemic markers; others appear in deontic domains only. Have (got) to, on the other hand, is usually rendered by the modal verbs reikėti ‘need’ and turėti ‘must/have to’, which usually encode deontic modality.
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<Meter -se a + infinitivo> is a construction that focuses on the ‘beginning’ of the situation denoted by the predicate whose core is the infinitive form of the verb. This value, “inceptive”, is not however confined to it. For example – and just to mention a few –, começar a, pôr-se a, romper a, largar a + infinitive are constructions that also share it. Thus, the purpose of this article is to investigate their specificities, to witch – based on a corpus of authentic language material collected in the press and literary texts (end of the 20th century and early 21st century), – I (will) call forth several arguments, both structurally and syntactic-semantic nature.
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Хотя мы уже говорили, что знаком, «словом» в искусстве является все произведение в целом, это не снимает того, что отдельные элементы целого обладают разной степенью самостоятельности. Можно сформулировать некое общее положение: чем крупнее, чем к более высокому уровню относится элемент структуры, тем большей относительной самостоятельностью в ней он отличается.
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Проблема композиции в стихотворении (вопроса композиции в других жанрах мы в этой работе не рассматриваем, поскольку он, скорее, относится к общей стилистике, а не к теории стиха) складывается из двух составных: композиции стихов в строфе и композиции строф в художественном целом. Если мы имеем дело со стихотворением, не разбитым на строфы, то текст его можно рассматривать как одну строфу, с разной степенью внутренней упорядоченности.
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The Qurʾān is certainly the last of the divine teachings and the most perfect. While this holy book has a perfect miraculous feature, especially since its rules are valid until the Day of Judgment, it also contains many unique features in terms of style and content. The Qurʾān firstly asks people to understand it thoroughly and live it in their lives. In order for them to live, they must first correctly understand the messages that the Qurʾān gave to people. In order to understand it well, they must either know the language it uses or try to understand it through translations. It is obvious that it is not practically possible for all people to know Arabic. Because people have different languages, cultures, and races due to the wisdom of Allah. Therefore, nations who speak different languages in the world have translated the Qurʾān into their own languages in order to understand what the Qurʾān means and to apply its rules to their lives. It is a fact that the Qurʾān was partially translated into different languages during the reign of Prophet Muḥammad (pbuh). As a matter of fact, Salmān al-Fārisī's (d. 36/656 [?]) (r.a.) translation of Surah Fatiha into Persian and the translation of the verses in the letters that our Prophet (pbuh) had written in order to invite communities speaking different languages to Islam can be given as an example to this situation. The Qurʾān has been many times interpreted, mealed, and translated into different languages of the world since the time it was revealed to the present day. There is no doubt that the translation of the Qurʾān will continue as long as people speak different languages until the end of the worldly life. It is mentioned in the sources that the first translation of the Qurʾān into Kazakh was made by Mūsā Jārullāh (d. 1368/1949) at the beginning of the 20th century. However, this translated work was not published and remained only as a manuscript. Another important issue is the scholars' thoughts on the language of the translation in question. As a matter of fact, according to them, the language of the translation is Tatar, not Kazakh. In this study named as ‘TheTranslation Issue of Mutashābih Expressions in the Example of Kazakh Translations Prepared in the 20th Century’ five important Kazakh translation works were examined prepared in the 20th century, named as Qurʾān Shareef Kazakhsha Magina Jane Tusinigi of Khalifa Altay (d. 1424/2003), Qurʾān Kareem Kazakhsha Avdarmasi of Azīz Akituli (d. 1434/2013) and Makash Akituli (d. 1424/2003), Qurʾān Kareem Jane Onin Kazakhsha Maginasi of Nurali Oserov (d. 1435/2014) and Jumabay Istaeev (d. 1422/2001), Qurʾān Kareem of Ratbek Nisanbayuli and Vahap Kidirhanuli and Qurʾān Kareem Kazakhsha Magina Jane Tusinigi of Vahap Kidirhanuli. First, the lives of the authors, the general evaluations of those works, the language of the published works, the problematic aspects, and technical features in terms of method and content were discussed. In the next step, how the translators translated the khabarī attributes, which are among the mutashâbih expressions in the Holy Qurʾān, into Kazakh and the problems that these translations cause are addressed. One of the most important subjects and issues of the science of tafsīr, which has an important place in the scientific tradition of the Islamic religion, is undoubtedly the issue of mutashabihs in the Qurʾān, and the subject has been discussed by especially theologians in many scientific traditions in the historical process. Allah almighty, the Creator of all realms, informs people of some of his qualities in the Qurʾān so that we can know himi and have knowledge of what kind of being Allah is. Through revelation, Allah introduced himself to his believers via an understandable language framework which includes appropriate comparisons and metaphors. This presentation has also been realized through the ḥadīths of Prophet Muḥammad (pbuh). Therefore, these two sources inform us Allah's qualities Khabarī qualities refer to those that are reported in verses and ḥadīths and that are fixed by revelation. In this article, the eleven verses in which the mutashābih adjectives that are attributed to Allah, such as yad, vach, ayn, istiwa, kabza, macī', and etā, are considered as examples. Understanding the qualities of Allah correctly is very important in terms of having a affirmative and corrective faith. This study aims to reveal what kind of kalamī view Kazakh translators use when interpreting mutashābih expressions into Kazakh. In addition, in the study, mutashābih expressions should be interpreted within the boundaries determined by the Qur'ān and the Science of Ḥadīth, with expressions that can be accepted by the human mind, without falling into simile and embody. To our knowledge this is the first study focusing on on the issue of translating mutashābih expressions in Kazakh translations made in Kazakhstan in the 20th century.
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This paper introduces two instances of person effects with 3rd person items – the reflexive clitic se in French and the non-honorific clitic pronoun suu in Punjabi. Examining the properties of these items, we argue against the phi-feature based accounts of person licensing. Instead, we re-conceptualize it as a syntactico-semantic phenomenon, which requires a pronominal to be contextually-anchored via a feature labeled [F]. More globally, this paper attempts to work out the special status of person and articulate why person requires special licensing in grammar.
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Стихотворная форма родилась из стремления поставить различные по значению слова в максимально эквивалентное положение. Используя все виды эквивалентности - ритмической» фонологической, грамматической, синтаксической, - поэтическая структура воспитывает восприятие текста как построенного по закону взаимной эквивалентности частей. В результате читатель, воспринимающий по какому-либо сигналу текст как поэтический, рассматривает его как построенный на принципе взаимной эквивалентности частей даже в том случае, когда это: не ярко выражено в позитивной структуре (доминирует «минусструктура») .
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The article analyses two speeches commemorating the 80th anniversary of the outbreak of the Second World War, delivered by the German President Frank Walter Steinmeier and the Polish President Andrzej Duda. The authors examine the two texts and ask what aspects of World War II the politicians evoke in their speeches, what images of the Self and the Other are created and what goals are pursued. In the beginning, the article outlines the different meanings of World War II in Polish and German collective memory, and then it proceeds to briefly characterize the commemorative speech as a type of speech. A special emphasis is placed on the analysis of the perspectives underlying the speeches, including the theses presented, as well as on the comparison of the most important differences.
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