" ال سرَّ وأخْفَى" المعنى والدلالة دراسة تفسيريَّةٌ تحليلية
In our paper, the meanings of the words "secret and hafa" in the 7th verse of Surat al-Taha in Qur’an. These words in our study are discussed in terms of faith and flow.
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In our paper, the meanings of the words "secret and hafa" in the 7th verse of Surat al-Taha in Qur’an. These words in our study are discussed in terms of faith and flow.
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This paper provides a comparative analysis of verbal synesthetic metaphors with the basic taste adjectives in Polish and English: słodki/sweet, gorzki/bitter, kwaśny/sour, słony/salty. Since taste seems to be an ideal candidate for a universal, biologically determined source of metaphors, the authors seek to verify the hypothesis of metaphor embodiment. The corpus-based analysis of nominal phrases with basic Polish and English taste adjectives indicates that cultural influences on the metaphorical mapping, as well as the importance of the target conceptual domains, must be taken into account.
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Epistemic properties of a man constitute the base for change. So far little attention has been paid to those properties in semantics. Questions of epistemic factors, which influence the formation of specialised neologisms, have not been posed. The keynote of this article is the attempt to answer this question. To achieve this goal, I attempt to explain such expressions as ‚neo’, ‚epistemic’ and ‚specialised neologism’. Then I proceed with the presentation of the results of the analysis of an interview. The subject of the interview is the Polish neologism ‚auleta’, created by Maciej Kaziński during his work an the translation of John Landes’ Music in Ancient Greece and Rome.Epistemic properties of a man constitute the base for change. So far little attention has been paid to those properties in semantics. Questions of epistemic factors, which influence the formation of specialised neologisms, have not been posed. The keynote of this article is the attempt to answer this question. To achieve this goal, I attempt to explain such expressions as ‚neo’, ‚epistemic’ and ‚specialised neologism’. Then I proceed with the presentation of the results of the analysis of an interview. The subject of the interview is the Polish neologism ‚auleta’, created by Maciej Kaziński during his work an the translation of John Landes’ Music in Ancient Greece and Rome.
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The first part of the article explains the difference between two expressions: "I am dressed up in Šokac costume" (spremila sam se u šokačko) and "I wear Šokac costume" (nosim se šokački). The first expression means that a person is dressed in the national costume characteristic for Šokci (Croats native to the eastern part of Croatia, around the cities of Slavonski Brod, Vinkovci, Županja, Našice, Đakovo), while the second expression means that a person wears the national costume daily, although modified to include some degree of city clothing. The article is based on field interviews in 1993/94 in villages near Županja (Bošnjaci, Cerna, Drenovci, Račinovci, Vrbanja, Štitar), which sought to learn more about the Šokac national costume in that region. Many authors have written about the Šokci, in particular about the etymology of the word or about the origin of the group, using mostly historical and linguistic sources (Sršan, Stjepan 199). In this region, where Šokci live intermixed with other Croats as well as with some minority groups, the term Šokac at the beginning of the 20th century always referred to Croats who were both Catholic and peasants and whose families had long been settled in the region (starosjedioci). The results of the current research point to the two meanings of the above-mentioned expressions, and shows that the phrase nosim se šokački, that is, I wear Šokac costume, is an outer sign of the wearer's identity, even up to the present day, to differentiate the wearer from others who also wear the costume. In the 1950s alongside the first meaning, another, new meaning gradually came into use, expressed as spremila sam se u šokačko, that is, / dressed up in Šokac costume. This latter expression means that the person only sometimes wears the local costume. She may or may not be a part of the Šokac community. Those women who are Šokice may or may not still be employed in agriculture, and in fact can live in either rural or urban areas. The second part of the article gives the preliminary results of research of women's Šokac costumes of Županja region. The terminology of basic parts of the costume, of clothing and head arrangements are indicated in the tables. The terminology differs between the area west of Županja on the one hand and that east of Županja on the other. This field research will be continued, the tables will be completed with other data and will be expanded to include the remaining places so that we may acquire a regional picture of Šokac costume.
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This paper attempts to explicate the meanings of expressions representing a specific type of genitive metaphor — binding two notions by the rule of conventional, surface sameness. This article aims to prove that the genitive function that appears in this kind of expression is part of a general pattern modelling the semantic roles of this case. This pattern presents the genitive as a lingual indicator of the relation between a “smaller range” object and a “larger range” object and explains the essence of the semantic function appearing not only in this particular type of genitive metaphor, but also in structures such as genetivus definitivus.
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This article deals with the classical text cycle ofTibetan religious practice "The Profaund Dharma of the Natural Liberation through Contemplating the Peaceful and Wrathful Deities"that was written down in the 14th centuary, explaining phenomena of the death moment, as well as the period of existence after the death. The title of the text is a topical problem, because in Western society, already starting with the first translations, this book is known with a completely different name ( "Tibetan Book of Living and Dyingj, thus creating quite another perception and approach than in Tibetan culture. Alongside with the analyses of the title of the text,the article also traces back to the historical emergence of dying rituals and afterlife theory in ancient India and Tibet.
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In this essay/article, after introducing briefly the ideas expressed by various linguists on the matter in question, the author throws into discussion two issues: the origine of the patronymic Buzuku, as well as the origine of the name of Gjon’s father (Bdek), giving thus his contribution. He thinks that the two names, Buzuk and Buzuq, are nominal compounds. There is no doubt that the first part of these compounds is the noun buz/ë/(lip/s), but with the meaning ‘brink, border, bank’. It seems that with this meaning, are especially linked the toponyms and micro-toponyms, numerous throughout all the toponomastic nomenclature in our country, which come out since early times in various medieval documents to our days. The second part of Buzuk/Buzuq is the name Ujk (wolf), which appears since early in documents as personal name. It seems, then, that in Buzuk as well as in Buzuq, we have a compounding or a juxtaposition of two nouns, which originally named a place, buzë ‘brink’, where there were wolves, this perhaps in connection to some occurrence, now petrified in the micro-toponym Bazulk (respectively Buzuk). Later the noun must have been used as a patronym; over time it may have passed also to the naming of the village according to the name of the kin holding it. We are then within that circle which E. Çabej calls ‘the system of Albanian anthroponomy’.
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This paper deals with the three types of modality – epistemic, deontic and dynamic. It examines the relation between the synchronic uses of the modal auxiliary must and the semi-modals have to and have got to as well as their Lithuanian translation correspondences (TCs) found in a bidirectional translation corpus. The study exploits quantitative and qualitative methods of research. The purpose is to find out which type of modality is most common in the use of must, have to and have got to; to establish their equivalents in Lithuanian in terms of congruent or non-congruent correspondence (Johansson 2007); and to determine how Lithuanian TCs (verbs or adverbials) correlate with different types of modality expressed. The analysis has shown that must is mostly used to convey epistemic nuances, while have to and have got to feature in non-epistemic environments. The findings show that must can boast of a great diversity of TCs. Some of them may serve as epistemic markers; others appear in deontic domains only. Have (got) to, on the other hand, is usually rendered by the modal verbs reikėti ‘need’ and turėti ‘must/have to’, which usually encode deontic modality.
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The catechism is a very important literary form of the Church. It teaches the basics of Christianity, its moral and ethic norms, which make the foundation for the life of a Christian. During the period of thirty three years (between 1883 and 1916) there were 86 Catholic and 11 Protestant (9 Lutheran and 2 Calvinist) catechisms published. During the period when printing in Lithuanian was prohibited catechisms were published outside the borders of Lithuania Major. Catechisms are mainly aimed at teaching children and youth, therefore they had an important role as primers in Lithuanian and as educators of the native language. According to A. Jakštas, “nearly every well-known catechist took care to prepare his own catechism. Thus the number of catechisms grew with every year; there were a lot of them written and published – each one in its own particular method, particular terminology and particular plan” (Jakštas 1923: 239). Furthermore it is obvious that compilers of catechisms had a need to explain terms of non Lithuanian origin (mostly international words). Most frequently such terms were explained using the Lithuanian equivalent – sometimes more, sometimes less successful. Variants of terms were abundant.In this article terms of religion are considered to be words and combinations of words, which name the supernatural (angelas (angel), Dievas (God), Dvasia (Spirit), velnias (devil)), rites (atnašavimas (sacrifice), mišios (Mass), pamaldos (service), pamokslas (sermon), procesija (procession)), actions related to religion (atgaila (penance), išganymas (salvation), išpažintis (confession)), Church celebrations (Sekminės (Whit Sunday), Velykos (Easter)), names of objects (grabas (coffin), kielikas (chalice), ostija (host), patena (paten)), moral principles of the Christian life, behaviour to be avoided or to be followed (atgailos atlikimas (execution of penance), gailestis už griekus (repentance of sins), išmalda (pittance), malda (prayer), tikėjimas (faith)), religious books and texts (Biblija (Bible), Evangelija (Gospel)), sacraments (Krikštas (Baptism), Kunigystė (Holy Orders), Moterystė (Matrimony), Paskutinis Patepimas (Anointing of the Sick)), sins and their kinds (apsirijimas (gluttony), godulystė (greed), vagystė (stealing), žmogžudystė (killing)) and names of persons (apaštalas (apostle), eretikas (heretic), išganytojas (Saviour), popiežius (Pope), vyskupas (bishop)) and other.
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Cognitive linguistics can offer an account not only of linguistic structure but also of a wide variety of social and cultural phenomena. The comprehensive account presented in this paper is crucially based and dependent on cognitive capacities that human understanders and producers of language possess quite independently of their ability to use language. By discussing the cognitive processes and the various linguistic, social and cultural issues they help us describe and explain, the author demonstrates that cognitive linguistics is far more than a theory of language; one can think of it as a theory of "meaning-making" in general in its innumerable linguistic, social and cultural facets.
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Charis is a concept and a power of paramount significance in Pindar’s poetry and ars poetica. This analysis is less concerned with the semantics of Charis, than with her dynamics. In the 14. and 7. Olympian ode Charis appears surrounded by a cluster of metaphors of blossoming (ΘAΛ - ), love (EPA - ) and eye-glance (Ι Δ - ). These motifs permeat the whole Pindaric epinician corpus. I set out to scrutinize the vast scale of variations on this theme, in order to illuminate from a new vista the relationship of the Charis and the Muse, then to explain the foregrounded motif of the divine eye-glance.
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This paper describes the various readings of the typically size-related Hungarian adjective nagy ‘big’ in combination with the corresponding noun readings in a corpus-based analysis. Adjective-noun combinations have not only attracted the attention of psychologists (Murphy 2002; Smith et al. 1988; Wisniewski 1997), but they are also in the focus of cognitive linguistics. This study is carried out chiefly in terms of two conceptual models of adjectival modification: the conceptual integration model (Fauconnier 2004; Turner 2007), and the lexical semantic model (Paradis 2005; 2008). The analysis proposed here is applied to corpus data compiled from the Hungarian National Corpus (HNC). 1038 occurrences of nagy -noun constructions have been evaluated for the appropriate adjective versus noun readings with the contextual environment at hand. The results suggest that even though nagy is typically associated with size-interpretations (e.g., nagy ablak ‘big window’ or nagy fa ‘big tree’), other associations such as nagy öröm ‘great joy’, nagy esemény ‘important occasion’ are in fact more frequent. This finding is in accordance with recent studies proposing that linguistic frequency does not always cooccur with cognitive salience (Gilquin 2006).
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Emotion concepts across different cultures and languages have been studied extensively. New research on emotion concepts can efficiently capture the “experience-near” and “universal” aspects of cultures and languages for the construction of a language-independent semantic metalanguage, namely the Natural Semantic Metalanguage (NSM) (Goddard, 1998). Wierzbicka (1999) claims that lexical discriminations in the area of emotions (as well as in other semantic fields) provide important clues to the speakers’ conceptualizations, and thus, a considerable amount of lexical data collection and of serious semantic analysis is needed before any universals in the area of emotion concepts can be proposed. Based on the classification of the cognitive scenarios for emotion terms in Wierzbicka (1999), the current study investigated one area of the emotion lexicon in English and Turkish, that is, a set of terms within the domain of “I don’t want things like this to happen”. It explored how these concepts relate to each other in terms of their cognitive scenarios intra-linguistically and whether their cognitive scenarios match within the domain of “I don’t want things like this to happen”. The study revealed the core meanings of target concepts show a high amount of correspondence, excluding cases of immediacy and intensity.
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Formulaicity is one of the characteristic features of legal discourse, which manifests itself not only at the level of wording, “but also in the content, structure and layout” of legal texts (Ruusila & Londroos 2016, 123). Formulaic language, which includes phrasal and prepositional verbs, idioms, collocations, lexico-grammatical associations, lexical bundles, etc., are building blocks of legal discourse shaping legal text meanings. However, up to now, far too little attention has been paid to the nature of frequently occurring “sequences of three or more words that show a statistical tendency to co-occur” (Biber & Conrad 1999, 183), i.e. lexical bundles, in different genres of legal texts. Most studies in the field of lexical bundles in legal texts have only been based on one language (e.g. Jablonkai 2009; Goźdź-Roszkowski 2011; Breeze 2013), whereas translation-oriented contrastive studies on lexical bundles are lacking. In respect of the aforementioned gaps, the aim of this pilot study is to analyse structural types of lexical bundles in court judgments of the Court of Justice of the European Union in English and to examine the way these structures are rendered into Lithuanian. To gain insights into the frequency and structure of lexical bundles, the present study uses the methodological guidelines of corpus linguistics. The classification of lexical bundles into structural types is based on the framework suggested by Biber et al. (1999, 2004). For the purpose of this study, a parallel corpus of court judgments was compiled comprising approximately 1 million words of original court judgments in the English language and about 8 hundred thousand words of court judgments translated into Lithuanian. Lexical bundles in this research were identified using the corpus analysis toolkit AntConc 3.4.4 (Anthony 2015). A concordance program AntPConc 1.2.0 (Anthony 2017) was employed to find Lithuanian equivalents of the most frequent lexical bundles identified in the English court judgments. The evidence from this study suggests that different structural types of lexical bundles have more or less regular equivalents in Lithuanian; however, in most cases, these equivalents tend to be shorter.
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This paper gives a critical overview of analytical approaches dominating the field of discourse studies in the last three decades, from the perspective of their philosophical and formative bases: social constructionism and linguistics. It explores different conceptions of the theoretical nexus between these two bases leading to the emergence of three distinct yet complementary strands of thought (i–iii). The paper starts with poststructuralist views of discourse salient in (i) Laclau and Mouffe’s Discourse Theory. Laclau and Mouffe’s assumption that no discourse is a closed entity but rather transformed through contact with other discourses is taken as the introductory premise to present a large family of (ii) critical discourse studies, characterized as text-analytical practices explaining how discourse partakes in the production and negotiations of ideological meanings. Finally, the paper discusses (iii) three recent discourse analytical models: Discourse Space Theory, Critical Metaphor Analysis, and Legitimization-Proximization Model. These new theories make a further (and thus far final) step toward consolidation of the social-theoretical and linguistic bases in contemporary discourse studies. The empirical benefits of this consolidation are discussed in the last part of the paper, which includes a case study where the new models are used in the analysis of Polish anti-immigration discourse.
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Theories on metaphor and metonymy make different claims about the nature of the underlying processes in the computation of these two types of language use, i.e., whether they differ or not. Experimental investigations of metonymy and metaphor have generally not compared these two phenomena in a straightforward manner among others due to structural variability. To overcome this shortcoming, we conducted a study in German that used adjective–noun combinations to contrast metaphor and metonymy directly in an ERP-study during reading for comprehension. By combining three different nouns with one adjective in predicative position we construed adjective–noun pairs with literal (the baby was lively), metonymic (the eyes were lively) or metaphoric (the speed was lively) relations. The data revealed a more pronounced N400 for the metaphoric relations in comparison to the literal controls. We argue that the enhanced cost for metaphors reflects the activation process of two unrelated domains via mapping or extended predication. The metonymic adjective–noun pairs only showed a small trend to differ from the other two conditions. This might indicate that metonymies require mapping processes or shifts only within a single domain or domain matrix. Moreover, in contrast to previous studies, we did not find a Late Positivity. We explain this result with regard to different discourse representational consequences arising during combinatorial processing.
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This paper deals with the analysis of sports discourse in Croatian through the theoretical framework offered by conceptual metaphor theory. Within this framework, certain metaphorical expressions found in sports discourse are analyzed as expressions of two conceptual metaphors: sport is war and sport is force. The analysis of these metaphorical expressions combines the methodology of cognitive linguistics with corpus linguistics, resulting in the proposal of a new method for discourse analysis in general. In our research, we introduce the notion of the specialized digitized corpus as a basis for further quantitative and qualitative research. On the basis of the specialized digitized corpus created for the purposes of this research, it is shown how the formation of sports discourse is dependent on three categories of metaphorical expressions relative to the degree of their conventionalization within sports discourse: (a) conventionalized, (b) semi-conventionalized, and (c) innovative metaphorical expressions. Each of these categories is analyzed according to their frequency and various aspects of meaning that it entails. Through the introduction of the semi-conventionalized metaphorical expression category, we aim to examine the gradable line between language creativity and conventionality as it is formed within the discourse of sports.
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Jokes about stupidity are extremely common in most countries, as ethnic, national, regional and locality jokes, political jokes, jokes about occupations and social classes, and blonde and Essex-girl jokes. The aim of this paper is to provide a theory that will explain why such diverse groups of people should be the butts of what is essentially the same joke. It will also explain jokes that are the opposite of the stupidity jokes, the widespread jokes about the canny (clever, crafty, calculating, stingy), whether jokes about ethnic groups, regional groups, townspeople or occupations. The key explanatory variables are first, the dominance of centre over periphery whether defined in geographical, cultural, language or social class terms and second, among the powerful, the contrast between those who hold arbitrary monopoly power based on control of the state and the means of force and those who have achieved their position through legitimate competition.
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The article is dealing with the Khitan word pili and suggests its Tibetan origin.
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This paper concentrates on the motif of look as linked with three agents of Pindar’s poetry, which are nevertheless connected with each other: the poet, the athlete and the god. All three sets of occurrences of the motif bear a strong metaphorical connotation. The character of the poet’s gaze depends on the character of the poetry: the look of the praise-poet is different from that of the vituperator. The gaze of the athlete and the god are integrated in a similar system. The paper bears upon the interpretation of several difficult parts as well as poems, for example a much discussed passage of the 4. Nemean (33–43) and the 8. Pythian ode (61–72).
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