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Nobili, Claudio (2019), I gesti dell’italiano
The review of: Nobili, Claudio (2019), I gesti dell’italiano, Roma: Carocci, 128 p.
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The review of: Nobili, Claudio (2019), I gesti dell’italiano, Roma: Carocci, 128 p.
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This study aims to analyse bilingual speaking in the family environment of immigration. Immigrant speakers in France, including those from Algeria, use and practise their language, sometimes in monolingual use and sometimes by combining French, the language of the host country, with Algerian Arabic, the native language. In order to understand the language behaviours of speakers, this linguistic combination through bilingualism and code-switching has been analysed. The main objective is to determine the nature of the statements made and the languages chosen by the speakers, in order to identify their skills and to justify their language selections. Moreover, our field of investigation is part of the sphere of micro-sociolinguistic research. Our contribution will focus on language practices in the interactive dynamic of a family. In the analysis, a qualitative approach was opted for, dealing with the variables of age, sex, and language skills. The corpus analysed consists of spontaneous conversations recorded in the family environment. Therefore, the analysis of recorded sequences allows us to confirm the existence of dynamism in the family members’ spoken repertoire. Bilingual speaking was experienced, in which the code-switching contributes to the transmission of languages and social knowledge through reformulation, explanation, and translation.
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A nickname is a name that people give themselves or receive from others because of how they are or what they do. It describes people better than their surnames and names since it is oriented to qualify them physically or morally. The fact that students of a foreign language give themselves nicknames in this language can be considered a motivational element in their learning, as well as denoting an inclusive attitude towards the target culture. 181 Spanish students out of a total of 563 respondents allow us to demonstrate this in the Ivorian context. Hispanized nicknames are constructed according to five linguistic techniques: translation, apocopate, apheresis, parody, and correspondence, and they refer to a physical or moral description, to football or Latin American soap operas, to an activity practised by the person, or to family, school, or religious experience. Nicknames created by oneself motivate more than those that come from others, unless these are due to the good performance of the person in Spanish. Nicknames that establish an implicit comparison of the person with concrete people in the target culture have a greater power of identification with it than nicknames based on abstract concepts. By having a positive connotation, if they are used in class for certain activities, the hispanized nicknames of the students can contribute to making the environments of our classrooms less artificial than they are in a non-immersion context. Because, where they are used to call people or address them, hispanized nicknames necessarily hispanize something in the communication situation.
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The research aims to examine the path that the lexeme pinga has had in the Spanish language, specifically in the Cuban variant of Spanish, to identify its current uses in this variety, and to describe the semantic, pragmatic, and discursive procedures that are manifested in them. It is based on the most recent linguistic theories about the taboo that define euphemistic and dysphemistic uses as cognitive processes of conceptualization of a forbidden reality. From a methodological point of view, the word pinga is traced in the main academic and Cuban dictionaries and a corpus was created from the entries for Cuba in CREA and CORPES XXI academic corpora, as well as the Cuban news portal CiberCuba. The search in dictionaries made possible the conclusion that, through the use of metaphor, pinga transferred its meaning to penis, which has been the only meaning recorded in Cuban dictionaries since the 19th century. In current Cuban Spanish, the word can be considered polysemic. Along with the meaning of the male sexual organ, there are others that show a process of loss of referential meaning, of resemantization and desemantization, common in euphemisms and dysphemisms. The uses that are identified correspond to the most frequent dysphemistic uses: insult, interjection, and intensification.
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The study deals with the lexical meaning of lexemes female teacher, teacher (male teacher and a generic meaning of the lexeme), which might be in Slovak influenced by context and discourse as well as by attitudes and gender stereotypes of interlocutors. In pragmatic research, the author focuses on semantic indeterminacy as an implicit component of lexical meaning determined by the socialization of interlocutors. Analysis of the lexemes female teacher, teacher and their collocations with the adjectives typical, crazy, burned out, in different contexts, has shown that the gender of the person referred to has an influence on the meaning. The implicit or socialized meaning of the lexemes of the feminine gender is frequently associated with those phenomena that are percieved negatively in society, while the names of the masculine gender do not contain this component.
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In this paper, the various arguments that have been presented with respect to usage of generic masculine forms and pair/feminine forms are discussed and analysed. The source of the data is provided by a questionnaire carried out in October 2019, including a sample of answers and comments from Slovak, Czech and Polish respondents. In the study, two dominant views on generic masculine forms, arbitrary and semantic, are introduced and discussed against empirical findings from many experiments and studies. The material from the questionnaire is qualitatively analysed with respect to the axiological reactions of the respondents. The language attitudes are further classified into eight categories: representation, offensiveness, addressing, economy, textual qualities, language naturalness, tradition and ideological markedness. The attitudes of participants from both "camps" are quoted to illustrate the argumentation process yielding to the acceptance or rejection of forms substantiating gender-inclusive language.
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Coming from a patriarchal society, Calixthe Beyala belongs to that generation of writers who decided to break the silence imposed on them by men. Her battle is marked by a linguistic revolution, the use of asexually marked language, and the manipulation of grammatical norms in speech, which translate her inner rebellion. Le Christ Selon l’Afrique is full of allusions to artists, musicians, singers, composer-authors, song interpreters fromdifferent horizons who marked the showbizz world be it classical or contemporary. This brings about a place of meeting for different consciences, and the gathering of multiple ideologies. The text thus becomes an intentional and conscious construction, a hymn to cultural diversity, and the acceptance of otherness. One could wonder how through music, the process of introducing different tunes in literary world could partake in a linguistic cultivation of an inclusive claiming ideology. Our aim is to show that women individuation which is a major characteristic of the writer, and marked here by pluri-lingualism, guides the reader towards a new way of understanding the World. She uses ametonymic and metaphorical language, represented by different elements which shows multiple voices present in societyand their ties. By so doing, she endures the wellbeing of her project aimed at giving value to the persecuted. Building that contemporary architecture where neither races and nor genres defined by the traditional patriarchal society would exist. Instead, she tries to build a society where singularity is integrated in plurality. This study goes with the principles of speech analysis and more precisely, the heuristic approach of speech.
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Changes in mentalities and the advent of globalization has led to insufficient linguistic resources in the French language to express some realities relative to women. This has led to an appropriation of the Frenchlanguage by women and particularly the female Cameroonian writer. From This observation, our questioning may carry on the various forms that these linguistic appropriations could have and their underlying meanings. The theory of variationism and the descriptive method are used. The conclusion drawn from this is that the modification oflinguistic norms noted in literary texts written by female Cameroonian writers is aimed at claiming a co-propriety of linguistic norms, gender equality and the use of language as a weapon against social inequalities.
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Camfranglais is the language of young Cameroonians who are trying to adapt it to French. Despite the diversity of forms imposed by the mixture of French, English, pidjin-english and other identity languages, it is noticed that the lexico-morphological system of camfranglais function within the base on the French language rules. The morphological transformations occurred on words portray the variations of grammatical categories imposed by the discursive situations. It has been found that speakers resort to derivation, more precisely to suffixation in creating words which enrich the lexicon. Thus, the creation of new words and their usages have been noticed in language use on the part of speakers who were under focus in different campuses and university rooms such as Maroua, Ngaoundéréand Yaoundé in 2015. Direct and interactive observations from sociolinguistics have helped in collecting data that were analyzed. The analyses were done following a normative approach with the intention of showing how Camfranglais establishes its norms. The morpho-syntactic rules which buttress the dynamism of this sociolect are observed at the lexical level of the verbal and syntactic systems.
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In recent years, studies of phraseological units have gained and continue to gain ground. However, this expansion mainly concerns (natural) Western languages and so-called specialty languages. In an innovative impulse,this article examines the presence of phraseological units in youngster speech in Cameroon. After an investigation in three cities in Cameroon, it is concluded that the presence of these expressions is a reality. Besides, the phraseological units are promised to a very beautiful future as long as the curve which marks their use is more and more ascending.
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This research work is entitled “Conscience and linguistic practices on social networks. From quest for identity to the challenge of reappropriation in the African context. A survey on a Cameroonian digital platform”.Commonly referred to as social media, digital platforms henceforth stand out as the most resorted to means of communication by the quasi-totality of social layers throughout the world. The dynamism of language also manifests itself in the same scene with a certain vigor notably through cyberlanguage. Based on a video posted by “Mediatude” and certain resulting commentaries, the present study investigates attitudes and language specificities of internet users, received or/and built ideas towards languages in context, and their challenges. The findings show that the French language, like other languages used in this framework, consistently undergoes the phenomenon of cyber-influence. The spelling, the lexicon, the morphology and the syntax permanently witness the assaults of communicational new demands with, first and foremost, the emergence of pictograms whose peculiarity is to transfer more concretely the emotions of speakers despite the virtual character of the communication situation, despite the distance between the interlocutors. However, in conformity with identity and self-assertion for an eventual renaissance, most speakers exteriorize an awareness which could redefine linguistic policies in Cameroon and in Africa. The major challenge, in its essence, squarely falls in line with the quest for freedom which is primarily linguistic and cultural, at least in terms of basic grounds.
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This research studies the perceptions the National Certificates Finnish raters (N = 44) have on L1 Finland-Swedish speakers’ (N = 9) Finnish oral proficiency. The article also examines how the correct or incorrect recognition of the speakers’ L1 affects the raters’ assessments and perceptions of oral language skills. The data comes from the project ‘Broken Finnish’: Accent perceptions in societal gatekeeping in which Finland-Swedish speakers form one of the researched groups. The article examines L1 recognition and the use of the analytical criteria for assessment, by means of quantitative and qualitative data analysis. The qualitative data consist of the raters’ written comments on the speakers’ assumed L1 and of the reasons they give for their assumptions. These are analysed with data driven content analysis. The raters struggled to recognise the Finland-Swedish speakers of Finnish, only 18 % were recognised correctly. For some reason women (N = 5) were recognised somewhat better than men (N = 4). What is interesting, in 27 % of the incorrect recognition cases the speakers were assumed to have Estonian as their L1. Both the correct Finland-Swedish as L1 and the incorrect Estonian as L1 recognition had an effect on the ratings. Correctly recognized Finland-Swedish speakers got higher marks in every criterion than the unrecognised group. There was a similar trend when the raters assumed the speaker to be Estonian, except for pronunciation, which gave the speakers in this group lower marks than the correctly recognised Finland-Swedish and the unrecognised groups. When the raters commented on the speakers’ production, they paid attention especially to pronunciation, fluency, grammar, and to some external features that are not mentioned in the National Certificates’ assessment criteria. When the raters assumed that the speakers had Estonian as L1, they often mentioned a foreign accent or intonation, especially a rising word intonation. In Finnish the intonation is falling, and this is the case in Finland-Swedish as well. However, rising intonation, similar to that of Estonian, occurs in some Finland-Swedish dialects. The raters heard other similarities with Estonian as well, for example a palatalised l-sound and an unvoiced d-sound. The raters described the speakers’ fluency very similarly in both groups; the speech was natural, easy to understand, and even native-like. Grammatical errors that occurred were perceived as small slips. However, these slips caught the raters’ attention, and they were utilized to make assumptions about the speakers’ L1, as both Finland-Swedish and Estonian. As a feature external to the assessment criteria, the raters commented on the content of the speech. In speech performances, there were references to cultural phenomena that led the raters to assume that the speakers were Estonian or Finland-Swedish. Both groups in our study are considered to be very good Finnish learners and generally they do very well in the National Certificates’ Finnish test. In addition, there are some similar features of how Finland-Swedish and Estonian L1 speakers speak Finnish, and therefore it is understandable that the raters mix up the two groups.
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This ethnographic research looks into Russian speakers from Latvia, who now live in Sweden. Russian speakers from Latvia have been adapting to the new life situation after the collapse of the Soviet Union, being challenged by requirements to adjust rapidly. It has not been an easy path, as well for those Russian speakers who were born or grew up already in the independent Latvia. They have been carrying along stories and memories from their families, which did not always fit in the newly rebuilt Latvia. The research investigates how they adjusted and remade themselves to adjust to the new life situation. It looks into their identity and belonging issues and their interpretations of the sensitive historical events.
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The article is a retrospective of the development of sociolinguistics on the pages of the Slovenská reč journal. Although sociolinguistics began to establish itself in Slovak studies only in the 1980s, the author traces social motives from the very beginning of the journal. The author identifies three developmental stages of sociolinguistics in Slovenská reč: (1) the pre-sociolinguistic stage from 1932 to 1955, (2) the implicit leitmotif-like stage from 1955 to 1979, and (3) the modern stage, characterized as its own sociolinguistic stage – from 1979 to the present day. In each period, the author introduces important social aspects resonating in the journal, recalling published works, authors, and contemporary contexts that framed the reflection on social themes in linguistic work. The third part reflects on modern sociolinguistic thinking in Slovak studies and the internal differentiation of the discipline within the Slovak language. It captures the diversity of themes and approaches in individual conceptual domains.
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The article deals with two-word compound names consisting of liga (‘disease, illness, malady’) as the main component and subordinate components expressed by nouns in the genitive from texts on promoting medicine and health (books, booklets, newspaper and calendar articles) of the late nineteenth and the early twentieth century. Efforts are made to determine the underlying subject with which subordinate components naming the qualities of clinical concepts are associated, identify the structural models and types of expression of those names, determine the semantic differences of names containing the different forms of expression of names with liga as the main component, and raise the issue of the (ir)relevance of liga as the main component. The subordinate components, which designate the attributes of clinical concepts, are usually based on an association with an organ, a disease, and an attribute of a disease. The most common structural model of names is NGen ← N, and the most prevalent types of its expression are DKilm ← DLiga, DKilm ← DLigos. The names that have the word liga in its singular form as a component also designate individual clinical concepts; besides, the names are used in reference to non-specific diseases, in a bid to draw the reader’s attention, to avoid repetitions of one and the same name where the context allows using simple and compound names interchangeably, and so on. The names that contain the word liga in its plural form designate collective concepts (as a rule, groups of diseases). Many human diseases did not have specific names at the time, and that is why the authors of the texts often made do with compound descriptive names containing the component liga. The spread of such names could have been facilitated by the living language. Quite often, the semantic charge of the names containing liga in its singular genitive form as the main component is borne by the subordinate component, which quite accurately describes the clinical concept in its own right and is used in texts as a simple term, making the main component liga superfluous. Such pairs of a compounds and simple names designating the same concept can be construed as mixed, same-root, contextual synonyms, or as short and long versions of the same name.
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This article discusses a study of written dialecticism, conducted in order to assess how the authorial grapholect conveys oral dialecticism and to analyse the spelling choices made by the author. The dialectal discourse used for this study consists of a number of Facebook posts published in a dialectal grapholect by a female informant. The first part of the article focuses on specific orthographic decisions made by the author-informant to convey the distinct features of her native Eastern Aukštaitian subdialect of Panevėžys. The second investigative section of the article examines the perception of a dialectal grapholect, looking closely at how ordinary language users read and understand texts written in it. The study shows that the dialectal grapholect used by the author-informant – a speaker of the Eastern Aukštaitian subdialect of Panevėžys – is relatively systematic. Her transcription is predominantly phonetic, with the morphological principle employed in cases of positional quantitative vowel changes, i.e., no variations in individual word forms were captured in the written materials. The author-informant utilises the grapheme inventory of the standard language, without inventing any new graphemes or borrowing them from the orthographic sets of other languages in order to reflect certain specific sounds of the Panevėžys subdialect. Stress retraction is one of the most common causes for ending reduction in the linguistic homeland of the author-informant. However, when neither the accent nor the consonant palatalization after dropping the vowel are marked in the written text, anyone reading it, especially speakers of other Lithuanian variants, may struggle to clearly identify the grammatical form recorded by the author-informant. This was also confirmed by the perceptual study conducted at the same time. The sociolinguistic portraits of its participants indicate that dialectal codes were more alien than familiar to them in terms of active usage, but that they have had opportunities to gain some perceptual experience in spoken dialectal codes. However, despite a relatively good holistic understanding of the authorial dialectal grapholect, the participants of this study were not able to translate it accurately into Standard Lithuanian. Variations in translating the transcribed dialect into the standard language indicate communicational limitations of written dialecticism. It is important to stress that this is not a critical evaluation of the authorial dialectal grapholect, as communicational limitation can have certain advantages, too. By distinguishing, a dialectal grapholect also designates. While it may be misunderstood or partially understood outside of the variant’s community, a dialectal grapholect functions (or can function) as a fully-fledged, even self-regulating, code within that community. However, this aspect of written dialecticism requires more in-depth research. The discussed case study provides certain insights into the role of an ordinary community member in preserving the vitality of their dialectal code. By making certain orthographic decisions, the author-informant “solidifies” the dialecticism of her native variant, with all its distinguishing and common features. But this does not necessarily confirm the vitality of the dialectal code in apparent time, despite the co-existence of certain dialectal and non-dialectal features in the same discourse fragment (spelling the way one pronounces but that pronunciation can vary). Either way, it is clear that local “conservation” (i.e., within the community or at least amongst some of its members) of dialectal features, differently to dialect dictionaries, can have an impact on the spread of those features. However, this subject would undoubtedly benefit from further large-scale studies.
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The paper presents the results of research in the field of Slovak acquisition as a Foreign Language in the initial phase (language level A1). The aim of our work is to use the method of Error Analysis to justify errors in the use of prepositions in the accusative case and locative case in singular form in written communications speaking the mother tongue of non-Slavic and nonphilological focus. We notice student's interlanguage as a means of understanding in the process of second language learning. In the research part we will try to analyze the errors that occurred during the collection of language data - 24 texts of students of the Faculty of Medicine at the Slovak Medical University in Bratislava created for teaching during the first semester of study. The data serve as background material for current dissertation research
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The Krashovani are the most numerous group of the Croatian minority in Romanian Banat. They differ from other local ethnic groups by their unique language and Roman Catholic faith. They live in two localities, respectively in the communes of Carașova and Lupac where they inhabit seven villages. Although they do not know much about the history of their group, they share a local dialect, Carașova Croatian, and a local identity which is related both to Croatia and Romania. Through language biographies of seven members of this minority, this paper gives an insight of the individual histories connected to language(s), illustrating their every-day use of language but also their relationship between identity and (other) languages, respectively between their Krashovan identity and other identities - Croatian, but also Romanian. The relationship of identity and language codes is visible in the communication process - in the family and with other members of the community they use Caraşova Croatian, while in other, more formal situations, they use Romanian or even standard Croatian. These seven language biographies also show features of code-mixing and code-switching and the influence of the Romanian language, as well as speech accommodation, some of them modifying their language choice according to the desired group.
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The article discusses the etymology of the name of the Serbian clan Drobnjaci and their (clan) region Drobnjak, Drobnjaci, situated in one part of (Old) Herzegovina in today’s state of Montenegro. All the historical mentions of the name have been given, including the mentions from the Serbian folk poetry: Drobonjag, Drobonjak, Dobronjak, Drobnjag, Drobnjak, Dromnjak, Dromjak. These has led to the conclusion that the primary form of the name had been *Dobronjag. It had been the personal name of the chief of the Romance (and Serbianized to a certain extent, thus Serbian as well) summer pasture, himself belonging to Romance people (and Serbianized to a certain extent, thus being Serb as well), and from his name the homonymal name of the Serbian clan originated. This name has Balkan Romance etymology with Serbian preorigin of the word, following the linguistic evolution: (Old Serb. dobar/-bra/-bro “good” + nѣga “care, raising” / nѣgovati “to care, to raise” > Old Serb. name (?) or/and nickname of the chief of the Romance summer pasture or, in general, of the Romance shepherd (in the summer pasture) *Dobronѣg(ь) “a person good in raising the sheep”, in a word “good shepherd” >) Balk. Rom. *Dobronjag, (?) *Dobronjagu, *Dobronjagul > *Drobonjag, (?) *Drobonjagu, *Drobonjagul > (Old) Serb. Drobonjag and *Dobronjag > Drobonjak and Dobronjak, from where the forms Drobnjag and Drobnjak came, while Drobnjak > Dromnjak > Dromjak.
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The Slavоnic Serbian language, as a part of the 18th century, is unfortunately a very much neglected Serbian language history topic. Due to the current language situation (specifically, the existence of modern Serbian as an operational and standardized literary language) and the mentioned insufficient research, Slavonic Serbian is mostly understood as a kind of transitional language form, with all the negative aspects that this brings. The most significant negative aspect is the tendency to neglect the fact of its great cultural and historical value, as well as the once very widespread use. Slavonic Serbian was not only an important part of the Serbian culture, which portrayed the spirit of the Enlightenment era in which it existed, but it was, until the last moment, a candidate for the standardization of the literary language among Serbs. This paper will thus try to define the notion of the Slavonic Serbian language (temporally and territorially, but also in the context of literary theory, i.e. as one of the Serbian literature epochs) and to address the most important issues related to this term.
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