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Prisoners can reduce jail terms by 30 days for each work of ‘scientific value’ they publish.
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Aspects of semantic features in the Albanian lexicon, and in particular the aspects of polysemantics and homo-semantics have been the scope of studies either in isolation or in interaction with one another, but as well they have been studies in relation to many other phenomena such as: the root of the meaning (Thomai,2009), synonymy (Islamaj, 1985) etc. A study of these two phenomena which are closely inter-related is both of theoretical and practical value. In particular, the practical value is directly related to the compilation of explanatory and translation dictionaries (Thomai, 1972), which serves as an interface of the semantic structures of words
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Medicine has a lot of principles that need to be complied with especially when it comes to saving the life of the individual and, at the same time, respecting his rights. Today there are increasingly more cases of malpraxis either because these principles are not fully complied with or out of negligence. We believe that one of the most important principles of medicine is autonomy, whereas it is essential for the individual to act in accordance with his principles and values or those of the society where he lives. In this paper I shall analyze the concept of autonomy and its relationship with transhumanism. I shall argue that within human enhancement - whether cognitive enhancement or human enhancement - the individual must be autonomous and must be able to decide regarding his maximum benefit. We believe that human bioenhancement is a project that – when put into practice - could have negative consequences, since moral enhancement is rather seen as a danger to the freedoms and autonomy of the individual
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The article aims to research the simplification of customs procedures in accordance with the provisions of the Framework safety standards and simplified.The article deals with the question of the nature and structure of SAFE Framework. Approaches to simplify customs procedures in accordance with the provisions of cancerous safety standards and simplified. Established that effective implementation of the Framework of Standards will significantly simplify customs procedures for the integrated management of supply chain ; powers to check the goods; implementation review of the application of modern technology; provide prior electronic information ; evaluation of performance and security.It is recommended to introduce the concept of «single window» and authorized economic operators in the national customs area , which will provide a significant simplification of customs procedures.
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While the granting of rebates is a common commercial practice largely used by dominant and non-dominant firms, the assessment of rebates is one of the most complex and unsettled areas of competition law. In the European Union, the decisional practice of the case-law of the Court of Justice of the European Union has been harshly criticized as unnecessarily strict, following a form-based approach that sits uneasily with moderneconomic theory. The degree of divergence between US and European case law on the proper legal treatment of loyalty rebates is larger than in almost any other field of international antitrust law. Whereas US jurisprudence has traditionally considered loyalty rebates to be a pro-competitive business practice, the Court of Justice of the European Union has repeatedly held that loyalty rebates are an illegal means of distorting competition.
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The study contains considerations for the evolution of the legal means of pre- venting the removal of trees without the required permit. The analysis carried out concerns the legal regulations introduced after the Constitutional Court's judgement of 1 July 2014 issued in case SK 6/12. The author presents the criticisms of existing regulations in the field relating to the legal situation of entrepreneurs who, without the required permit, removed a tree for the purposes of their business activity and proposes de lege ferenda solutions.
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The aim of this article is to find out whether – and if so – to what extent, provisions included in the Polish constitution are a barrier in the process of harmonization of the Polish law with the EU law and in the process of full achievement of the objectives of the European regulator. Looking for the answer to this question, this paper includes analysis of changes introduced by the Act of the 5th of August 2015 on macroprudential supervision of financial system and crisis management in the financial system. This act transposes the directive No 2013/26/EU of the European Parliament and of the Council of the 26 June 2013 on access to the activity of credit institutions and the prudential supervision of credit institutions and investment fi rms, amending Directive 2002/87/EC and repealing Directives 2006/48/EC and 2006/49/EC, to the Polish legal Framework. This act also introduces adjustments of Polish law to provisions included in Regulation (EU) No 575/2013 of the European Parliament and of the Council of 26 June 2013 on prudential requirements for credit institutions and investment fi rms and amending Regulation (EU) No 648/2012. The analysis conducted in this article leads to the conclusion that provisions included in the Constitution of Republic of Poland are a barrier in the process of harmonization and gives opportunity to put forward de lege ferenda implications.
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w nauczaniu prawa w Księstwie Warszawskim i Królestwie Polskim (1807–1830)](/api/image/getissuecoverimage?id=picture_2015_28930.jpg)
The teaching of law in the Duchy of Warsaw (1807–1815) and the Kingdom of Poland (1815–1832) was due to the implementation of requirements concerning new judicial and administrative posts. Law education was now obligatory, in contrast to the Republic of Nobles (XVI–XVIII cent.). That is why the new law schools were established: the School of Law and Administration in the Duchy of Warsaw, and the Law and Administration Faculty of the Warsaw University in the Kingdom of Poland. The new social stratification and the establishment of a social class of the intelligentsia were in progress, and judicial posts were now open to persons of non-noble origin. The School of Law and Administration created its own modern program for the teaching of law. In addition to the theory of law, the new program also implemented the elements of general knowledge, as well as law education, known from the Republic of Nobles: the basis of all active citizenship. These components were creating a new understanding of the terms “state” and “nation".
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The right to the environment is one of the fundamental rights of the individual and collective rights. Hence, the legal environmental protection also requires ethical and economic elements that are derived from the principle of precautionary. Its assessment should always be interpreted in the context of the cultural changes taking place to promote new aims and values. Because of that, nowadays legal environment protection is is combined with the principle of sustainable development, which requires foresight in anticipating the possible consequences of human activities. Given the intensive development of technologies based on the use of living biologi- cal systems are as complicated as issues of intergenerational justice. Balanced deve- lopment policy, thus solving problems of resource use, taking into account the integrity of the nature's various elements. It requires education and development of environmental ethics witch should be understood as restrictive ethics, i.e. selection and willingness not to abuse the available resources. That ethics consists of accoun- tability and respect for future generations which also have the right to inherit the environment that fits for life and provides opportunities for development.
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This article is an analysis of a role of copyrights in shaping forming of young creator’s attitude toward life. For that purpose, an attempt has been made to define the character and frames of legal and proprietorial protection of the creative process of university students. As copyrights protect author’s identity, practices violating such rights may lead to problems with finding and expressing one’s own identity, in particular against a role played by creativity in a proper development of human personality. A discussion on social and legal situation of youth as a subject to copyrights extends to juridical, psychological and pedagogical categories, while also undertaking, within a certain scope, an attempt to synthesise them. A basic conclusion provided in this article indicates a possibility of improving the quality of copyrights protection also through skilful guidance of young people’s consciousness.
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Pred vama se nalazi drugi Alternativni izvještaj o napretku Bosne i Hercegovine na putu ka članstvu u Evropskoj uniji. Izvještaj predstavlja zajednički napor više desetina osoba i organizacija, čiji je zajednički cilj bio da se iz ugla organizacija civilnog društva predstavi aktuelno stanje integracija Bosne i Hercegovine. Imajući na umu da je zvanični Izvještaj o napretku politički izvještaj Evropske komisije, mišljenja smo da kroz objavljivanje Alternativnog izvještaja možemo uticati na njegov sadržaj. Upravo zbog toga, Alternativni izvještaj objavljujemo skoro tri mjeseca pred objavljivanje zvaničnog Izvještaja, u nadi da će to imati uticaja na formuliranje zvaničnog Izvještaja. Izvještaj se u potpunosti fokusira na tzv. političke kriterije, sa fokusom na pitanja: - stepena demokratičnosti i funkcionisanja države, - vladavine prava i korupcije, - ljudskih prava, naročito prava manjinskih i ranjivih grupa, i - tranzicione pravde. Svjedoci smo da tokom 2013. i 2014. godine nije postignut nikakav relevantan napredak. Proces provedbe odluke Sejdić i Finci protiv Bosne i Hercegovine je u potpunosti izmješten iz Parlamenta. Demokratske performanse parlamenata i vlada na državnom, entitetskom i kantonalnom nivou su izrazito slabe. Rad institucija odlikuje nestabilnost, netransparentnost i neefikasnost. Odluke ustavnih sudova se i dalje ne provode. Nikakve značajne i sistematske politike za borbu protiv kršenja ljudskih prava nisu usvojene. Reforme pravosuđa su zaustavljene, a Strukturirani dijalog za pravosuđe između BiH i EU ne pokazuje napredak. Ni jedan značajan slučaj borbe protiv korupcije nije procesuiran. Manjinske i ranjive grupe žive i dalje u teškim uslovima. Diskriminacija i nasilje su sveprisutni, a sam Zakon o zabrani diskriminacije nije pokazao očekivane rezultate, imajući na umu da su pet godina od donošenja Zakona donesene samo dvije pravosnažne presude. Sveobuhvatne anti-diskriminacijske politike za socijalnu integraciju ili ne postoje ili ukoliko postoje, onda se skoro pa ne provode. Poplave su još dodatno pogodile one najranjivije u društvu. Procesuiranje ratnih zločina i suočavanje sa prošlošću, kao preduslovi za kreiranje zdravog okruženja i gradnju zajedničke države, predstavljaju dodatni problem. Politička podrška ratnim zločincima od strane lidera političkih stranaka samo dalje dijeli već izrazito fragmentirano društvo. Nadamo se da će opšti izbori u oktobru 2014. godine (iako se održavaju po diskriminirajućim pravilima) donijeti stabilnije političke strukture, spremne da se suoče sa različitim problemima. Inicijativa za monitoring evropskih integracija BiH će svakako zagovarati promjene kada je u pitanju usvajanje novih zakona i politika, ali i provedba istih. Nadamo se također da će bh. vlasti ali i EU institucije podržati jaču poziciju civilnog društva unutar različitih foruma u okviru EU integracija BiH. Civilno društvo mora postati treći akter ovog procesa (pored države i EU institucija).
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Pred vama se nalazi treći Alternativni izvještaj o napretku Bosne i Hercegovine na putu ka članstvu u Evropsku uniju. Izvještaj predstavlja zajednički napor više desetina osoba i organizacija, čiji je zajednički cilj bio da se iz ugla organizacija civilnog društva predstavi aktuelno stanje integracija Bosne i Hercegovine. Imajući na umu da je zvanični Izvještaj o napretku politički izvještaj Evropske komisije, mišljenja smo da kroz objavljivanje Alternativnog izvještaja možemo uticati na njegov sadržaj. Upravo zbog toga, Alternativni izvještaj objavljujemo skoro tri mjeseca pred objavljivanje zvaničnog Izvještaja, u nadi da će to imati uticaja na formulisanje zvaničnog Izvještaja. Izvještaj se u potpunosti fokusira na tzv. političke kriterije, s naglaskom na pitanja: - stepena demokratičnosti i funkcionisanja države, - vladavine prava i korupcije, - ljudskih prava, naročito prava manjinskih i ranjivih grupa, i - tranzicione pravde. Svjedoci smo da od ljeta 2014. do ljeta 2015. godine, što je period koji pokriva ovaj izvještaj, u ovim oblastima nije postignut nikakav relevantan napredak. Proces provedbe odluka ECHR u slučajevima “Sejdić i Finci” i “Zornić protiv Bosne i Hercegovine” je u potpunosti marginaliziran i više ne predstavlja predmet rasprave. Demokratske performanse parlamenata i vlada na državnom, entitetskom i kantonalnom nivou su izrazito slabe. Rad institucija i dalje odlikuje i nestabilnost, netransparentnost i neefikasnost. Odluke ustavnih sudova ne samo da se ne provode, već se i sama pozicija Ustavnog suda BiH dovodi u pitanje. Nikakve značajne i sistematske politike za borbu protiv kršenja ljudskih prava nisu usvojene. Očekivanja da će Opšti izbori u oktobru 2014. godine donijeti stabilnije političke strukture, spremne da se suoče sa različitim problemima, nisu ispunjena. Od izbora do danas, Bosna i Hercegovina se nalazi u stanju konstantne političke krize. Reforme pravosuđa su zaustavljene, a Strukturirani dijalog za pravosuđe između BiH i EU ne pokazuje napredak. Nijedan značajan slučaj borbe protiv korupcije nije procesuiran. Manjinske i ranjive grupe i dalje žive u teškim uslovima. Diskriminacija i nasilje su sveprisutni, a sam Zakon o zabrani diskriminacije nije pokazao očekivane rezultate, imajući na umu da je u šest godina od donošenja Zakona doneseno svega nekoliko pravosnažnih presuda. Sveobuhvatne antidiskriminacijske politike ne postoje. Poplave koje su pogodile državu u maju 2014. dodatno su pogoršale položaj ekonomski i socijalno ugroženih grupa. Procesuiranje ratnih zločina i suočavanje s prošlošću, kao preduslovi za kreiranje zdravog okruženja i gradnju zajedničke države, predstavljaju dodatni problem. Politička podrška ratnim zločincima od strane lidera političkih stranaka nastavlja da dijeli već izrazito fragmentirano društvo. Inicijativa za monitoring evropskih integracija BiH će svakako zagovarati promjene u sferi usvajanja novih zakona i politika, ali i provedbe istih. Nadamo se, takođe, da će i bh. vlasti i EU institucije podržati jaču poziciju civilnog društva unutar različitih foruma u okviru EU integracija BiH. Civilno društvo mora postati treći akter ovog procesa (pored države i EU institucija).
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Diskriminacija je u pravnom sustavu Bosne i Hercegovine zabranjena na ustavnopravnoj razini, prvenstveno Ustavom BiH, zatim različitim međunarodnim ugovorima te nacionalnim zakonodavstvom, uključujući posebice Zakonom o zabrani diskriminacije. Ustav BiH u članku II: Ljudska prava i temeljne slobode nakon popisa prava navodi da se uživanje prava i sloboda utvrđenih tim člankom ili međunarodnim sporazumima koji su popisani u Dodatku I Ustava osigurava svim osobama u Bosni i Hercegovini, bez diskriminacije na bilo kojoj osnovi, poput spola, rase, boje kože, jezika, vjere, političkoga ili drugog mišljenja, nacionalnoga ili socijalnog podrijetla, pripadnosti nacionalnoj manjini, imovine, rođenja ili drugoga statusa. Glede međunarodnih ugovora posebno mjesto u ustavnopravnom poretku BiH ima Europska konvencija za zaštitu ljudskih prava i temeljnih sloboda (EKLJP). Ustav BiH u članku II: Ljudska prava i temeljne slobode navodi da Bosna i Hercegovina i oba entiteta osiguravaju najvišu razinu međunarodno priznatih ljudskih prava i temeljnih sloboda, a potom se posebno ističe da se prava i slobode utvr- đeni u Europskoj konvenciji za zaštitu ljudskih prava i temeljnih sloboda te njezinim Protokolima izravno primjenjuju u Bosni i Hercegovini i imaju prvenstvo pred svakim drugim zakonodavstvom.
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The study proposes an application of one of the most generative approaches in current economic sociology – social network analysis, to Bulgarian criminal structures. The increasing levels of deviance and crime are particularly actual global issues in the XXI century.This process is even more relevant for countries like Bulgaria, where crime, especially organized crime, has been a key problem for the last 25 years. The text emphasizes the importance of knowing the structure and the way the crime groups function for increasing the effectiveness of combating crime. Based on the social network analysis of three cases of Bulgarian criminal structures, some opportunities to improve the policies for combating criminal networks in Bulgaria are displayed.
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Bosnia and Herzegovina differs from most neighbouring and European countries on its approach to the issues of human rights and the rule of law. Although the most important international human rights protection and promotion documents, including the European Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms, are included in the BiH Constitution, the situation in the field is far from ideal.
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Equal representation of women and men in the legislative bodies is one of the key indicators of the achieved level of gender equality in any society. In most countries in the world, women are still the less represented sex. The situation in Bosnia and Herzegovina in terms of the participation of women in the legislative bodies does not differ much from the rest of the world.
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Women are traditionally underrepresented in the governments in Bosnia and Herzegovina (hereinafter BiH) and none of the 14 governments in BiH (The Council of Ministers of BiH, entity, cantonal and the Government of the Brčko District of BiH) to date has been appointed in such a way that the goal from Article 20 from the Law on Gender Equality in BiH – consolidated version (“Official Gazette of BiH”, No. 32/10) was fulfilled. There are two women appointed in the current convocation of the Council of Ministers of BiH, four in the Government of the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina (hereinafter the Government of FBiH) while there is one woman prime minister and three ministers appointed in the Government of Republika Srpska (hereinafter the Government of RS). In the governments of the cantons there are no women appointed as prime ministers of the cantonal government, while the percentage of women ministers in cantonal governments was around 17.5%1 (the number of women ministers varies from 0% to 25% depending on the canton). The most drastic example is the government of the Zenica-Doboj Canton (hereinafter ZDC) where there is not even one woman appointed.
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Discrimination in the legal system of Bosnia and Herzegovina is prohibited at the constitutional level, primarily by the Constitution of Bosnia and Herzegovina, followed by various international treaties and national legislation, including in particular the Law on Prohibition of Discrimination. Article II of BiH Constitution: Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms after the list of rights, states that the enjoyment of the rights and freedoms set forth in that Article or in international treaties listed in Annex I of the Constitution is ensured to all persons in Bosnia and Herzegovina, without discrimination on any grounds such as sex, race, colour, language, religion, political or other opinion, national or social origin, association with an ethnic minority, property, birth or other status.
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Sir Robert Filmer was an English political theorist who defended absolutism and the divine right of kings criticizing Hobbes, Milton, Grotius, Bellarimine, Suarez and Aristotle. Filmer’s theory is founded upon the statement that the government of a family by the father is the true origin and model of all government. In the beginning God gave authority to Adam, who had complete control over his descendants, even over life and death itself. In his point of view the king is perfectly free from all human control, he cannot be bound by the acts of his predecessors, for which he is not responsible; nor by his own, for it is impossible that a man should give a law to himself – a law must be imposed by another upon the person bound by it. In the Article the Author argues that Filmer’s argument is perfect, complete but the last defense of unlimited royal power in the age of destruction of natural political authority.
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The Cold War in Asia was certainly much more dynamic that merely a confrontation between the American-led Western bloc against the Sino-Soviet bloc. In addition to the broader Cold War context, there were the relations between the respective Cold War belligerents and the newly emerged Asian states. Indonesia and Vietnam for instance had served as both prizes and battlegrounds for this Cold War confrontation. And as this essay suggest, neither was the Sino-Soviet bloc of one mind in their approach toward Indonesia. The conflict between the PRC and the Soviet Union over Indonesia was certainly as intense as the conflict between the PRC and the United States. A review of Sino-Indonesian relations offers a glimpse of how much more involved and dynamic the Cold War had been in Southeast Asia. Research on Sino-Indonesian relations between 1949 through 1965, which was basically the Sukarno period, has made considerable progress in the recent decades. Until the declassification of archival materials in China and former communist countries in Eastern Europe following the end of the Cold War, the history of the international relation of Indonesia had been largely written and understood from the Western perspectives. The opening of archives in these countries provided important correction to the speculations concerning Communist policies and perspectives on the part of Western scholars. This is especially true with the declassification of the Chinese Foreign Ministry archival documents. Since the opening of the Foreign Ministry archives in the PRC some two decades ago, Chinese scholars have produced many important studies on various aspects of Sino-Indonesian relations. Chinese interest here is understandable: Indonesia lay in what the Chinese had traditionally regarded as the ‘southern sea’ and, indeed, the PRC had invested much diplomatic in trying to win Indonesia over. That effort, however, was abruptly halted when the Indonesian military ousted Sukarno in the coup in 1965. Apart from aiming to understand that misadventure, Chinese scholars were also eager to provide their side of the story. Despite the commendable progress in the field, there is still much lacuna in the historiography that needs to be filled. Sustained interest and further research in the topic, building upon what has already been done, is certainly the way forward.
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