THE DYNAMICS OF REVOLUTION IN 1989: CONCEPTUAL CHANGES

Author(s): Roxana Marin / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2015

The events during the 'Autumn of People' have created sideration and stupor in the eyes and minds of the Western observers - who least expected the communist breakdown -, and consequently significant problems in interpretation and in deciphering the regime change in East-Central Europe. Clearly, with the 'transition to democracy' process, the same observers have expressed disappointment and skepticism regarding the prospects of ECE unrestrainedly and uncritically embracing the model of Western-type consolidated liberal democracy: many have assessed that the exit from communism was not necessarily synonymous with the 'return to Europe' tout court, for the very historical background, socio-economic and cultural preconditions and political conditions were not met so as to generate the complete and definitive triumph of liberal democracy in Europe. The present paper is an attempt at critically examining the regime change in 1988-1989 in East-Central Europe as an exponential case of 'postmodern revolution' following the analysis drawn by S.N. Eisenstadt in late '90. Breaking with the paradigm of the 'Great Revolutions' (G. Pette), 1989 lacked the characteristic features of a 'classical revolution' (in the French revolution or Russian sense), hence imposing a new species of revolution which was dominantly non-ideological, non-class-based, and non-violent, though achieving its central purpose, i.e. that of effectuating regime change. Concretely, this paper tries to introduce the 1988-1989 regime change in ECE in the general discussion of the defining and the characteristic features of a revolution, drawing extensively on the literature that preceded and followed the anus mirabilis, dedicated to the analysis of revolutions.

Studija slučaja u komparativnoj politici

Author(s): Nikolina Jožanc / Language(s): Croatian Issue: 03/2015

Paradoxical status of case studies in social sciences is particularly evident in comparative politics, where theoretical relevance of a case study method is repeatedly undermined despite the overwhelming amount of empirical research that employs it. For this reason, the paper explores under which conditions a single case study can be defined as a method of comparative politics, as well as its specific strengths and weaknesses for theory development in comparative politics. The first part of the paper tries to clarify definitional disputes which contribute to unjustifiable dismissals of case study as a comparative method. The second part examines in more detail the potential contribution of case studies in accomplishing the goals of comparative research. Arguments put forward in both parts of the paper point to positive evaluation of case study as a legitimate method of comparative politics.

Historia a polityka historyczna

Author(s): Aleksandr Lipatow / Language(s): Polish Issue: 2/2012

Nauka o polityce w Europie na początku XXI wieku

Author(s): Tomasz Pawłuszko / Language(s): Polish Issue: 2/2017

The review of: “Political Science in Europe at the Beginning of the 21st Century” by eds. B. Krauz-Mozer, M. Kułakowska, P. Borowiec, P. Ścigaj; Jagiellonian University Press, Cracow 2015, ss. 612

Partili Olmak: Cumhuriyet Halk Partisi’nde Genç Üyelerin Siyasal Toplumsallaşma Süreçleri

Author(s): Derya Kömürcü / Language(s): Turkish Issue: 2/2014

The literature on political parties mainly focus on the historical roots, ideological foundations, electoral performances and social basis of the parties. Works on “the party as an organization” are extremely rare. Generally those studies of party organization aim to analyze the power relations between the central party office, the parliamentarian group of the party and the local branches. However, beyond their ideological and social aspects, political parties are organizations. They are hierarchical organizations that operate according to formal rules. In addition to that, informal relations are also very important to comprehend the functioning of political parties. The main purpose of this research, which concentrates on the youth organization of the Republican People’s Party’s local branch in Besiktas, is to understand the socialization process in the party and the role of the organizational structure in this process. The data used in this work are collected from in-depth interviews made with young members, young party executives and also local party executives. Youth organization of a party is a place where young members adopt the written and unwritten rules, norms and values of the party. They enter into or form new networks to become an essential member of the party. In this context, the article analyzes the political socialization of young RPP members; the formal and informal processes that are crucial in the formation of the party identity; and how the RPP imposes its common values, norms and goals to its new members.

Соціокультурний вимір та сучасна інтерпретація теорії суспільного договору

Author(s): Oleksandr Valentinovich Karpenko,Nataliia Savchenko / Language(s): English Issue: 3/2017

Purpose of Article. The purpose of the article is to reveal the socio-cultural dimension of the theory of social contract, to comprehend the basic determinants of service-oriented public policy through the implementation of a comparative analysis of theories of "contractionism" ("contractualism") and "clientelism" ("clientism"), especially in the clarification of functional relationships between subjects and objects of interaction in the context of their historiography and modern use. Methodology. The methodological basis of the study is a comparative and systematic analysis, as well as historical logical and retrospective methods that ensured the study of the theories of "contractionism" ("contractualism") and "clientelism" ("clientism") in the historical context of development and interpretation of modern development of the Ukrainian state, allowed to reveal the essence and highlight the ideology and socio-cultural foundations of service-oriented public policy. Scientific novelty. The scientific novelty consists in expanding theoretical ideas concerning the ideology of constructing a service state and the role of customer-oriented relations in international and national practice of public governance. The service orientation is substantiated as the basic principle of the transformation of the system of rendering of governance services. Conclusions. The relevance of the concept of a public contract (social contract) is substantiated by the necessity for practical implementation of the ideology of the service state. The basic principles of contractualism and constructive dialogue as the value orientations of modern integration processes in Ukraine are determined. The importance of contractualism as a mechanism of constructive dialogue in the conditions of functioning of a social contract is substantiated. The achievement of social consensus through the conclusion of a social contract is considered as the basis for the development of civil society, and, at the same time, a guarantee of the legitimacy of power. At the same time, the destructiveness of clientism (clientelism) in the relationship between government and civil society is substantiated

Pomiędzy wigami i torysami. Prawo oporu w doktrynie politycznej Davida Hume’a

Author(s): Tomasz Tulejski / Language(s): Polish Issue: 69/2009

David Hume offers a well conceived plan for the formation of government and its political workings. Furthermore, he grants that in special circumstances the citizens of a particular government may revolt, but rejects both tory theory of passive disobedience and whig’s justification of revolution. In this article, the Author argues, that with respect to obedience and disloyalty, Hume gives no formal rules for revolution. Unjustified revolutions are denoted by lack of adherence to established practices and want of a genuine cause. They are, rather, motivated by speculative factions subject to fanaticism and enthusiasm which are the foundations of Hume’s political worries. Author concludes that the Hume expressed suspicion of attempts to radical changes of society. His political scepticism, social theory and the rejection of revolution qualified him as conservative thinker.

Constantin Stere. A revolutionary ideologist and a publicist

Author(s): Nina Mihaela Mihalache / Language(s): English Issue: 2/2016

This text unravels the life and personality of C. Stere. Born in Bessarabia but exiled in Romania, he remained a revolutionary and a militant of justice and truth until the end of his life. C. Stere remains an emblematic figure of Romanian politic and literature. He is associated with Sterism and Poporanism, for which he pleaded his whole life, and with the impressive literary work that he left to posterity. Though he was an endowed writer, he managed to actually write and publish his cherished works toward the end of his life. This was due to his troubled life and to his active involvement in political life. He hoped his entire life for a new Revolution capable of promoting and implementing social justice. C. Stere also built a university career: for a few years, he was a Professor and then the Rector of the University in Iaşi. C. Stere’s image has remained vivid over time because of his illustrious literary work and of his depiction as a genuine revolutionary.

Povijest političke znanosti u Italiji

Author(s): Luigi Graziano / Language(s): Croatian Issue: 03/1987

The author explains the sudden upsurge in development of political sciences in Italy, its "revival" over the last two decades, through the influence of several global factors: subjective-scholarly efforts of prominent political scientists (N. Bobbio. G Sartori), political democratization of society and its secularization, outside influences (American political science) and changes in the Italian university structure. The analytical model for the development of political science, i.e. the criteria for its evaluation, can be expressed by the degree of academic institutionalization: through periodization, duration and development of the discipline; as well as through thematic continuity.

Recenzija: Društvena i politička teorija i kritika u radovima Dimitrija Tucoviča

Author(s): Franc Rozman / Language(s): Slovenian Issue: 1-2/1974

The review of: Desanka Savićević: Društvena i politička teorija i kritika u radovima Dimitrija Tucoviča, Beograd 1972, izdal Institut za istoriju radničkog pokreta Srbije, zbirka Monografije 6,191 s.

Sadijeva politička misao

Author(s): Saeid Abedpour / Language(s): Bosnian Issue: 16/2019

In the cradle of Iranian-Islamic civilization the political thought had numerous branches. This thought shaped the political opinion on the Iranian and Ottoman territory and can be considered the most important contribution to political opinion in a period when the Islamic civilization was at its peak. The genre of Siyāsatnāme is considered to be one of the branches of political thought. Nizam al-Mulk and Ghazali with their works Siyāsatnāme and Nasīhat al-mulūk placed themselves among the most prominent representatives of the genre of Siyāsatnāme which, thanks to them, turned into a powerful current in the political thought of Iranian-Islamic civilization, so that after them, many thinkers followed them as role models in this field. Sa‘dī also belongs to the group of authors who expressed their political opinion by writing Siyāsatnāme. The topics that Sa‘dī disscussed in his Siyāsatnāme are: the divine right of authority, the position of ruler, righteousness, security, gentleness, balance in rule, moderation and veziership. In Bustan and Gulistan Sa‘dī insists on the role of ruler and righteousness and in his work Nasīhat al-mulūk, in addition to these two categories, he talks about security as well. This paper will present the main characteristics of Sa‘dī’s political thought.

Deliberative Democracy Under the Influence of Populist Current

Author(s): Gabriela Nemtoi / Language(s): English Issue: 2/2019

The phrase “deliberative democracy” is attributed to the author Joseph Bessett, who in the article Democracy the majority principle in republican government, published in 1980, argued about a new form of democracy in contradiction with classical democracy, about deliberative democracy as an authentic alternative to traditional forms. In this respect, it is admitted that the political decisions cannot be legitimized without an early negotiation dialogue [1: 1].The rise of populism in Central and Eastern Europe is a justification for the democratic crisis, a failure of representative politics after 1989. A negative effect of the populist current was also seen in Romania, Hungary or Poland. In this sense, applying a reorientation to a policy based on a deliberate democratic culture with populist influences was considered to be a solution that would justify the interference between populism and a deliberative democracy.The participation in the vote of the citizens of Eastern Europe who initially see in the left parties the popular interest is radically changing in the present, towards the right parties that no longer identify with pure right principles. Furthermore, moving populism from the left foot to the right foot does not require sacrifice. In the end, it all comes down to changing symbols, changing vocabulary but within the same type of policy based on a common way of thinking both left and right. The distinction between the two is greatly minimized. The transitional period in which the executives put pressure on the law institutions and themselves with a rather weak identity, on the press, on the media, allowed a reassessment of the transient moments, the populist discourse having the capacity to capture democracy of a populist state [2:132]. The diagnosis of the causes of the increase of populism was based on two major pillars, one being the failure of the national institutions located in the space of national constitutions and the second is the influence of the international institutions of the EU and of the Council of Europe that do not wish to sanction the fall towards populism [3:219].

Die Aufspaltung der deutschen Gruppen in der Bukowina, 1933-1938

Author(s): Mariana Hausleitner / Language(s): German Issue: 4/2019

In the 1920s German institutions in Bukovina still had little contact with Germany. During the economic crisis there comesa loan to keep the German House in Cernăuţi and since then interventions in Germany become frequent. After 1933, especiallythe Berlin Propaganda ministry sends grants to Nazi newspapers. Nazi groups formed after 1933 fi rst fought against Germanconservatives and then against Catholic organizations. Most of the Germans in Bukovina belonged to the Roman CatholicChurch. Between 1935 and 1938 two Nazi groups fought for infl uence supported by various organizations in Germany. In 1935,the Romanian Government closed all the state schools in Bukovina where it was taught in German. The plan of the Germanconsul Fritz Schellhorn from Cernăuţi to found private schools in villages next to the Catholic churches cannot be realized. Duringfactional struggles the institutions of Berlin fi nd the most docile leaders, who will organize the total alignment in Bukovina.

Im „Besitz des Propagandaministeriums“. Czernowitzer Deutsche Tagespost im Jahr 1937

Author(s): Andrei Corbea-Hoişie / Language(s): German Issue: 4/2019

The paper examines a moment of the history of the Bukovinian German-speaking press from the interwar period: theCzernowitzer Deutsche Tagespost newspaper during 1937, before the December parliamentary elections that will give a decisiveblow to the democratic system in Romania. An almost unoffi cial periodical of the ethnic Germans in Bukovina, it puts itself fullyand openly in the service of Hitler propaganda, whose topics it repeatedly reload with a violent rhetoric; the sympathies withthe Romanian fascist movements are also evident. The subsequent assertion of one of the editors, that the newspaper wasactually owned by the Ministry of Propaganda in Berlin, gives the measure of the political and ideological infi ltration of theGerman minority in Romania by institutions of Nazi Germany.

Agamben'in Siyasal Kuramı ve Türkiye'deki Suriyelilerin Hukuksal Statüleri

Author(s): Esin Hamdi Dinçer / Language(s): Turkish Issue: 2/2019

Syria’s civil war, started in 2011, has caused over 6 million people flee abroad. This process forced around 3,6 million refugees to live in Turkey, leading significant changes in Turkish legal structure. The EU-Turkey Readmission Agreement and the Law on Foreigners and International Protection that is added into domestic law as a result of this agreement, are two main legislations in this regard. Such legal norms can be evaluated around the framework on social change as well as in accordance with concepts such as “subject”, “discrimination” and “exclusion”. This article, discusses these two legislations based on Giorgio Agamben’s thought, who has succeeded in putting these concepts at the center of political theory. The article argues that, this Italian political theorist well-known with his catogeries of “homo sacer”, “state of exception” and “bare life”, provides significant opportunities in interpreting the goals of contemporary legal regimes.

American Political Spectrum

Author(s): Jarosław Szczepański / Language(s): English Issue: 4/2018

The text is aimed at tracing the evolution of the American political spectrum. It presents major historical and contemporary political parties of the United States of America. The article has been structured in such a way so as to serve primarily as a teaching aid for classes on the US poltical system.

Recenzja: Krzystof Świrek, Teorie ideologii na przecięciu marksizmu i psychoanalizy, ss. 351

Author(s): Paulina Kalina / Language(s): Polish Issue: 4/2018

The Commonwealth of Independent States

Author(s): Paul Popa / Language(s): English Issue: 2/2019

International relations have experienced different manifestations over time, that states had in certain periods or in relation to other similar entities. Scholars tried to establish a vocation for each type of attitude that states have setting theories that can explain more or less behaviour in international relations. International organizations also play a significant role, either having inherited attitudes that perpetuate or because they manage to draw new trails to follow, thus, variations in behaviour in the international system.

Andrić i Bašagić u jugoslavenskom ključu

Author(s): Šaćir Filandra / Language(s): Bosnian Issue: 10/2020

Different views on identity politics in Ottoman Bosnia presented in doctoral dissertations by Ivo Andrić and Safvet-beg Bašagić stem from differences in historical and socio-economic experiences of each of their respective religious and confessional communities. Andrić, the one oriented towards the future, perceives Bosnia from the perspective of a newly introduced concept of Yugoslav national unity that does not value diversity. Bašagić, the one staring into the past romantically, sees Bosnia through rose-colored glasses. Both Andrić and Bašagić share distinct notions of their historical periods and allow for non-scientific influences to shape their academic discourses.

Munich massacre

Author(s): Mikołaj Jankowski / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2019

In this analysis the author notices a difference in the perceptionof the Munich massacre in various countries of the communist bloc, which was justified by the political situation. It was a consequence of the race of the two strongest countries in that period. It inspired the author of the publication to make an indepthanalysis of the Polish and Soviet press of that period.