KANT ET LA PENSÉE DE LA DÉMOCRATIE MODERNE

Author(s): Dick Howard / Language(s): French Issue: 05-06/1997

Avant d'aborder le détail de mon exposé, je voudrais le situer quelque peu par rapport au thème général de cet après-midi: "Morale et démocratie." En effet, le titre que j'ai donné à mon exposé pouvait suggérer que je souhaitais réarticuler le rapport de la théorie morale kantienne à une démocratie dont la forme moderne permettrait une résolution des apories de la pensée politique de Kant. Il se serait agi, par exemple de dépasser l'opposition entre une morale monologique et une société politique nécessairement plurale à partir des avancées de la théorie communicationnelle ou discursive; ou bien, et plus concrètement, j'aurais entrepris une relecture des thèses sur "l'histoire cosmoplote" et sur la "paix perpétuelle" à la lumière de notre XXe siècle finissant, reprenant par exemple l'attitude apparemment ambiguë de Kant envers la Révolution française ou encore ses réflections sur le projet des Lumières.

Determinanty polityki etnicznej państwa polskiego po 1989 r.

Author(s): Tomasz Browarek / Language(s): Polish Issue: 77/2015

Many factors as well as external and internal conditions had an essential impact on the contemporary ethnic politics of the Polish state. The most significant determinants are the systemic-institutional, legal, historical-social, economic, as well as ethno-demographic and ideological-political. The article analyzes them in terms of their importance and impact after 1989. The determinants from the first three mentioned groups had the greatest influence, which resulted mainly from the fact that Poland strived to democratize the system and integration with the Western world, through interposing the principle concepts of the rule of law and the protection of human rights. Furthermore, the country was obliged to develop a rapport with national minorities and their native states to protect against any possible ethnic conflict. Therefore, the Polish state accepted and undertook to comply with the international standards for the protection of minority rights. This politics was entangled in historical problems on both sides from the beginning. In such a situation a united stance of the Polish political scene on this issue was essential. Thus, despite frequent changes of governments in the Third Republic, the issue of maintaining the cultural identity of minorities, combating ethnic discrimination and disseminating openness and tolerance were the fundamental principles of their activities and thus they were not the subject of current disputes.

Foreign Policy Actions in Support of the Agrarian Reform during the Reign of Alexandru Ioan Cuza

Author(s): Sabin Drăgulin,Nicolae-Vladut Iorga / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2018

The Romanian modernizing and progressive elites’ political project for the creation of the Romanian national state contained provisions for achieving the economic and political independence of the country. One of the main actions taken in order to fulfill this objective sought to institute an agrarian reform whose key element would involve the seizure of church and monastic propertities. During the middle of the XIXth century, an important part of the country’s agricultural land was in the property of churches and monasteries. A significant part of the financial resources that resulted from the exploatation of these properties were sent outside the country without paying taxes and fees to the state budget. The administration of the young Romanian state could not tolerate this situation which led in turn to the introduction of the agrarian reform. The great European powers criticized the implementation of the secularization project in the Principalities. The only great power to support it was France. In this study, we will present the diplomatic aspects that accompanied this reform enterprise.

Viorella Manolache, Political Philosophy in Motion .mkv, Newcastle upon Tyne: Cambridge Scholars Publishing, 2017

Author(s): Luiza-Maria Filimon / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2018

Creation and Modernization of the Romanian State Reflected in the National System of Medals from Romania (1864-1918)

Author(s): Ioana Drăgulin / Language(s): English Issue: 24/2019

An important attribution of national sovereignty is that of establishing, organizing and conferring distinctions. The offensive of the Ottoman Empire in central and eastern Europe since the fourteenth century, the expansionist policy of the Christian kingdoms Hungary and Poland, blocked the process of territorial unification, which led to the founding of three principality: Transylvania, Moldavia and Wallachia. It took almost half a millennium to wait for the national elites, amidst the systemic crisis known by the Ottoman Empire, to promote a unity policy. Under the conditions of the first stage of the construction of the Romanian state, the union of Moldova with Wallachia, by electing as the unique ruler of Alexandru Ioan Cuza (January 5-24, 1859), the young Romanian state began to assume the fundamental elements of sovereignty. These included the establishment of a national system of decorations. Although Alexandru Ioan Cuza tried to establish more medals, the net refusal of the Ottomans and the reluctance of the great powers prevented that initiative. After the ascension of Prince Carol I, that element of sovereignty progressively began to be used with the year 1872. The conquest of the state independence of Romania as result of the participation in the Russian-Turkish war (1877-1878) released the activity of distinctions issuance. There had been a fruitful period in which the national decoration system was organized and developed, according to the needs of a modern state.

Utjecaj primordijalnih društvenih formi na suvremene interpretacije demokracije na Zapadnom Balkanu

Author(s): Cirila Toplak / Language(s): Croatian Issue: 3/2019

The author examines the democratic potential of primordial social forms - as forms of resistance from postcolonial and subaltern studies - to understand contemporary political life in the post-Yugoslav region. The premise of the research is that the representative democratic system is not a universally acceptable model, and that it is a form of Western (political and epistemological) domination of the center over the periphery. Following this premise, the author asks whether, and to what extent is the standard Western model of representative democracy transferable to Western Balkan societies with their own specific political traditions and, consequently, to what extent these political traditions affect the "imported" Western democratic model. The main thesis of the article is that the historical forms of social practices and relationships that are authentic to this area represent the possibility of reinterpretation of the democratic model, including the opportunity of epistemological emancipation. For this purpose, the (historical) parish, the community of natural faith in Slovenia and the Bosnian church are analysed as primordial forms in the Western Balkans.

The Normative Flaws of Liberal Culturalism

Author(s): Predrag Zenović / Language(s): English Issue: 3/2017

This paper examines normative issues of liberal culturalism. It starts with a premise that, though it offers a good critique of national states, liberal culturalism still leaves some salient questions unanswered. Following the structure of the vast majority of liberal culturalism theories, the author divides these normative flaws into three categories: methodological, epistemological and practical. Methodological flaws deal with problems of definition as well as with primacy between methodological individualism and collectivism. Epistemological flaws lie in the way that liberal culturalism understands culture by essentialising it, reducing political to cultural, construing “absolute identities” etc. In the last part, the author focuses on practical shortcomings that stem from normative positions of liberal culturalism.

Thomas Meyer, Uvod u politiku

Author(s): Bojan Vranić / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 1/2015

Distribution of Power and a Political Change in David Hume's Political Theory

Author(s): Łukasz Perlikowski / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2019

In this paper I would like to present an interpretation ofDavid Hume’s political theory. Therefore, a method of investigation canbe recognized as hermeneutical one. Main threads which I would like toemphasize are: concept of stability, distribution of power, role of an opinionin political dimension and a conservative attitude toward a change.I claim that important lesson for political science can be taken from histheory. Generally speaking, this lesson consists in refusing the so-calledpolitical regime fetishism and focusing on the relevant issues of socialstability. These issues are strictly determined by the opinions, hencethe proper subject-matter of political science is identified with them. Asone of the conclusions I propose a thesis that politics is, and ought onlyto be slave of opinions, what is an allusion to a famous sentence fromA Treatise of Human Nature that the reason is, and ought only to be theslave of the passions.

Občianske vzdelávanie s využitím princípov deliberatívnej demokracie

Author(s): Michaela Bartušová / Language(s): Slovak Issue: 1/2020

Maintaining democracy as a political establishment depends on educated citizens who are able to think critically and reasonably. Every person in a society should have certain civic competences. These should be developed especially in the period of general education. In addition to developing reading and writing skills, literacy aims to prepare pupils for civic and political life. In order to become part of society, individuals need to be able to read for their own purposes and at the same time evaluate information to make decisions. Nowadays, the concept of deliberative democracy is increasingly gaining attention in the foreign educational sphere, based on the notion that deliberation does not necessarily aim at adopting consensus, but rather involves discussing the problem with other individuals, arguing and reasoning. It is in the context of civic education that deliberation can find a suitable application as a type of communication technique supporting group discussion. It is thus a distinction between the democratic and pedagogical concept of deliberation, while the paper is based on the pedagogical concept.

Polityka antyterrorystyczna jako dylemat demokracji liberalnej

Author(s): Marek Górka / Language(s): Polish Issue: 1/2017

Terrorism is harmful to democratic governments and societies. In addition to the visible and the direct effects of attacks on bystanders, aim bombers are undermining democratic values, including the weakening of confidence in state institutions and laws that regulate their functioning. As a result of the use of violence can permanently give birth to create a socio-political divisions, antagonize certain entities and groups, and thus provoke conflicts thus destroying the existing compromises, agreements or arrangements between the parties concerned. In matters of international terrorism it is not only a challenge for the rule of law, but because it also applies to relations between states, poses a serious threat to security and stability

Przyszłość przez przeszłość - rola historii w koncepcji patriotyzmu konstytucyjnego Jürgen Habermasa

Author(s): Mikołaj Raczyński / Language(s): Polish Issue: 1/2016

The definition of patriotism is usually restricted to the conclusion that its aim is mere cultivation of the historical memory. However, patriotism has two distinct faces: one pointed at the past and the other focused on the present. What is more, in the opinion of many scholars, patriotism doesn’t need to be closely related to one nation or culture. An interesting concept of constitutional patriotism was developed by German historians and philosophers during the debate on national identity after World War II. Jürgen Habermas has been one of the founders of this project. According to the German philosopher, constitutional patriotism doesn’t mean just positivist constitutional acts, but some abstract forms, interpretations of a particular community. Such universal principles may be, for instance, procedures of sovereignty and liberal rights. The following article conveys arguments indicating that the role of history is very importa

Interpretive Theories in Political Science

Author(s): Małgorzata Kułakowska / Language(s): English Issue: 4/2020

The aim of the paper is to present the premises of the interpretative approach, with its internal diversity and methodological implications. While the first part of the paper discusses possible meanings connected with the concept of an interpretive approach, the second focuses on methodological implications and choices inspired by interpretivism.

„Zewnętrzność” interpretacji. Badanie polityki w ujęciu eksternalistycznym

Author(s): Filip Pierzchalski / Language(s): Polish Issue: 4/2020

The aim of this paper is a critical reflection on the solipsist approach, which problematizes some detailed considerations within interpretationism. In this sense, solipsism, defined as a research perspective in political science, is a position in which in an uncompromisingly consistent, even “total” way, it refers to subjective and subject-factors and/or determinants of scientific cognition and research of political reality. In the article, the polemic in relation to solipsism will mean the presentation of the aporia’s of solipsism based on externalistic positions related to the arguments proposed by Hilary Putnam and Fred Dretske.

Interpretacje w naukach społecznych – aspekty teoretyczne i metodologiczne

Author(s): Andrzej Jabłoński / Language(s): Polish Issue: 4/2020

Presented article offers a general overview of the interpretive approaches in the social and political sciences. The article starts with the definitions and etymology of the term “interpretation” and its synonyms. In the section 1 the author refers to the interpretive methodology of Max Weber and its actuality in the academic disciplines such as ethnography, sociology, history and law. The section 3 explains the usefulness of interpretive methods in doing research within a qualitative methodology in the social and political sciences. Sections 4 and 5 describe the nature of relations between interpretation, understanding and explanation. The last section brings attention on the application of interpretive methodology in the political science and political theory. Instead of a summary the author shares a reflection on the condition of science and a future of interpretative studies.

Forms of Inter-party Cooperation. Electoral Coalitions and Party Mergers

Author(s): Raimondas Ibenskas,Nicole Bolleyer / Language(s): English Issue: 03/2018

Various forms of inter-party cooperation have important effects on party system fragmentation and stability in young democracies. However, the conceptualisation and measurement of these forms of inter-party cooperation and the examination of their consequences on party system development remain limited in the literature on parties and party systems. This research addresses this gap in the scholarship in three ways. First, we present the analytical scheme of different types of party cooperation. We argue that the forms of inter-party cooperation vary on two dimensions. The first dimension refers to their structural basis: the stability of the cooperation as captured by whether it is rule-based or, in other words, underpinned by shared rules that are mutually accepted. The second dimension refers to their scope: the number of functional areas of party life subject to cooperation. The two dimensions lead us to four basic forms of inter-party cooperation: (1) non-rule-based, functionally restricted coalitions; (2) rule-based, functionally restricted coalitions; (3) non-rule-based organization-wide mergers; and (4) rule-based organization-wide mergers. Second, we develop theoretical expectations on the frequency of these forms of inter-party cooperation in Central and Eastern Europe. Third, to test these expectations, we present empirical evidence on the number of electoral coalitions and mergers in the first six electoral periods in 10 countries in the region. The results of the analyses support our expectations: non-rule-based organization-wide mergers are rare. The other three forms of party cooperation (nonrule- based coalitions; rule-based coalitions; rule-based mergers) are fairly common in most countries in the region, although less so in the more recent electoral periods.

Surviving the Storm: Factors Determining Party Survival in Central and Eastern Europe

Author(s): Kevin Deegan-Krause,Tim Haughton / Language(s): English Issue: 03/2018

Political parties in Central and Eastern Europe come and go quite rapidly, giving the region a reputation for electoral chaos, but amid the change, some parties survive for many electoral cycles. A brief examination of the party systems in the region shows a high rate of party collapse but also indicates the robustness of certain parties in the face of crisis. Closer comparisons of the collapsed and surviving parties indicates a significant role for three factors: organization on the ground, a clear position on an enduring issue dimension, and ability to change party leadership. The finding is particularly important for explaining the dynamics of Central and East European party systems because the same characteristics that contribute to longevity are found in lower levels among new parties in the region. Only a small subset of new parties have made choices that would contribute to long-term survival, and such cases are largely confined to those with strong ties to previous long-surviving parties.

Three Worlds of Representation: A Linkage-Based Typology of Parties in Western and Eastern Europe

Author(s): David M. Wineroither,Gilg U. H. Seeber / Language(s): English Issue: 03/2018

Have Eastern European democracies developed patterns of accountability similar to those existent in their established counterparts? While most accounts of convergence are confined to the world of programmatic reasoning and policy representation, we use a unique data set to cover the wealth of instrumental and emotional modes of linkage building. We apply advanced techniques of model-based cluster analysis to establish a linkage-based typology of political parties. In the East, the contrast of programmatic and clientelistic parties is most essential in the absence of strong regional subdivisions. In the West, the structure of linkage building is characterized by an all-encompassing divide that separates mainstream and challenger parties. Parties in Southern Europe form a distinct Mediterranean type of “machine politics.” The results for affluent post-industrial societies both support and contradict premises of the cartel party hypothesis. For third-wave democracies in the East, our results suggest the persistence of legacies of pre-communist and communist rule against the weight of cumulative democratic experience. In sum, patterns of accountability remained markedly different in the two regions on the eve of the economic crisis in 2008–2009.

“Why Can’t We Be Friends?” The Coalition Potential of Presidents in Semi-presidential Republics—Insights from Romania

Author(s): Veronica Anghel / Language(s): English Issue: 01/2018

Coalition governments are a regularly studied feature of parliamentary democracies. Debates still linger in the field as to what extent the outcomes of these studies are also applicable in determining who has the upper hand over coalition formation in semipresidential regimes. This article explores the dynamics of government formation under semi-presidential regimes using evidence from Romania (1990–2016) and discusses the formal and informal potential of the president to shape coalitions. It covers a lacuna in qualitative studies by using evidence gathered from in-depth interviews with prime ministers, cabinet members, and key party decision makers and shows that under certain circumstances presidents can play an influential role in government formation, but these are rather the exception than the rule. Using a case that presents the incentives for an increase in the presidentialization of politics, I show that the mechanisms of a multiparty regime mostly limit the president’s exclusive bargaining advantage to nominating the prime minister and then, much as in a parliamentary democracy, render him or her dependent on the coalition potential of his or her own party.

“I’m Paying, So I Decide”: Czech ANO as an Extreme Form of a Business-Firm Party

Author(s): Lubomír Kopeček / Language(s): English Issue: 04/2016

Business-firm parties founded on the initiative of a political entrepreneur are a phenomenon of growing importance in contemporary party politics. In practice, these are either commercial companies, whose structure is used for a political project, or new and separate organisations constructed on business principles. This article examines the case of Czech party ANO (“YES”), established by the owner of the Agrofert holding company Andrej Babiš. The party achieved remarkable success in the 2013 Czech general election. The opportunity for ANO’s success was provided by strong voter dissatisfaction, reinforced by the scandalous circumstances of the centre-right government’s fall. This context created a fertile ground for the introduction of a new entity espousing anti-party, anti-corruption, and anti-political sentiments. In ANO’s organisation and functioning, a strengthening of certain traits characteristic of this type of parties is apparent. A robust system for screening party members and representatives has been gradually put into place, and human resources–style techniques of psychological testing were employed at the party’s inception. Furthermore, the power in the party has been wholly centralised around the leader, and the party’s territorial structures assigned merely service tasks. ANO has also maximised its electoral-professional orientation. The strengthening of the typical traits of a business-firm party can be explained by reference to the party’s origin in the business environment and the notions entertained by its leader. In many respects, Babiš’s party has brought the organisational model of a business-firm party to its limits.