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Интервенционализмът като идеологическа основа на социалния либерализъм във Великобритания

Author(s): Nikolay Alexandrov / Language(s): English,Bulgarian Issue: 2/2019

This article is devoted to a key moment in the history of liberal ideology in Europe – the rejection of obsolete classical liberalism and the promotion of social liberalism as a functioning socio-economic system. The author discusses the decisive role of the Liberal Party and the contribution of the theoretical and practical models of John Maynard Keynes and William Beveridge to the transformation from laissez-faire to state interventionism. The author presents the Labor government’s measures for practical realization of the ideas of social justice, whereby the social-economic system referred to as the “universal welfare state” was promoted in Great Britain.

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REFLECTAREA CONCEPTULUI BUNĂ GUVERNARE ÎN STRATEGIILE DE SECURITATE ALE ROMÂNIEI POSTDECEMBRISTE

Author(s): George - Dorinel Dumitru,Dragoș - Adrian Bantaș / Language(s): Romanian Issue: 1-2/2018

Documentele programatice în domeniul securității naționale au, printre altele, rolul de a sublinia cele mai relevante riscuri, amenințări și vulnerabilități pe care factorii de decizie, beneficiind de expertiza tehnică a structurilor de specialitate, le consideră importante pentru securitatea națională, la un moment dat, dar și prioritățile pe care acțiunea externă și în domeniul securității trebuie să le urmărească pe durata vizată de fiecare strategie a respectivului stat. Practic, lectura unei strategii de securitate poate purta cititorul în acele timpuri în care a fost redactată, în mod direct, iar lectura tuturor acestor documente, în succesiunea lor temporală, oferă peisajul evoluției situației politice și de securitate a statului vizat, pe o perioadă de timp dată. Prin studiul de față ne propunem furnizarea unei astfel de imagini în centrul căreia să se afle conceptul bună guvernare.

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MIGRAȚIA INTERNAȚIONALĂ CA REZULTAT AL ȘOCULUI GEOPOLITIC GENERAT DE PRIMĂVARA ARABĂ

Author(s): Magadalena Crisan / Language(s): Romanian Issue: 1-2/2018

Migrația generată de șocul geopolitic din Orientul Mijlociu și Africa de Nord afectează nu numai societatea arabă, ci și pe cea occidentală. Articolul analizează factorii care au dus regiunea în acest punct de cotitură și măsura în care valul de migrație spre Europa, consecință a șocului, poate destabiliza state europene, sau chiar blocul comunitar.

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Corporate State Capture in Open Societies. The Emergence of Corporate Brokerage Party Systems

Author(s): Abby Innes / Language(s): English Issue: 03/2016

Investigations into Central Europe’s emerging party–state relationships—in contrast to those of the former Soviet Union—have focused less on the abuse of public office for private gain and more on patronage and clientelism as political resources. That debate in turn has been bounded by the conventional political science preoccupation with civil society, party, and state relations. This article contends that these conventions have tended to deflect our attention from the contemporary dynamics of political corruption in Central Europe, in which the commercial sector is a major player and the gains of political players primarily private. Building on the assumption that party systemic adaptations are contingent on changing power relations within the political economy, this article offers an ideal typical party model to characterise the behaviour of political parties that preside over the continuous marketization of the state. A “corporate brokerage party” directs its strategic focus to the private sector and acts primarily as a broker of the state’s power in the marketplace, whether expressed through privatisation, regulation, or public procurement. Using the Czech Republic as a critical case study for Central Europe, the evidence suggests that politicians able to direct allocation to the private sector with low regulatory constraints act less evidently as technocratic brokers of the public interest, partisan constituency, or organisation builders and more as private agents.

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Hurricane Season: Systems of Instability in Central and East European Party Politics

Author(s): Tim Haughton,Kevin Deegan-Krause / Language(s): English Issue: 01/2015

The seemingly random triumph and demise of new political parties in Central and Eastern Europe actually represent a durable subsystem with relevance for party systems around the world. This article supplements existing research on volatility with new measures of party age distribution that reveal clear patterns of disruption, turnover and restabilization. These patterns emerge from stable and coherent party subsystems that follow a simple model based on three dynamics: losses by established parties, rapid gains by uncorrupted newcomers, and equally rapid newcomer losses to even newer parties. Confirmed both by electoral evidence and computer simulations, this model offers insight into the endurance of these subsystems, particularly since the very mechanisms that generate new parties’ success can preclude their ability to survive in subsequent elections. Central and Eastern European party systems offer a laboratory for understanding trends in party system volatility that are emerging in Western Europe and across the globe.

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Keeping the Doors Closed. Leadership Selection in Post-Communist Romania

Author(s): Mihail Chiru,Sergiu Gherghina / Language(s): English Issue: 03/2012

This article is the first systematic exploration of the leadership selection process in the Romanian party system. We use process-tracing and qualitative tools, using data from party statutes and documents of the national conventions. We focus on the parliamentary political parties throughout the entire post-communist period. The analysis shows that nothing has changed at the level of centralization of decision, and inclusiveness with the members’ involvement remaining marginal in all parties. The competitiveness of the internal elections presents a more diverse and dynamic picture. We propose a novel typology for cross-case comparisons that illustrates the association between informal decentralization and increased competitiveness. Second, we advance explanations for the persistence of the “exclusiveness” status quo that take into account intraorganizational, institutional, and exogenous factors.

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ІДЕОЛОГІЯ ЯК МЕХАНІЗМ КОНСТРУЮВАННЯ ПРОСТОРУ: ІМПЕРІЯ VS ДЕРЖАВА МОДЕРНУ

Author(s): Ruslan Oleksandrovych Zaporozhchenko / Language(s): Ukrainian Issue: 3/2020

Problem setting. In modern political discourse, the phenomenon of ideology is almost not considered as an independent social process. Ideology is studied as derived from politics or economics, thus forming a field of study of political and economic ideologies (liberalism, socialism, conservatism, etc.). In addition, the issues related to the functioning of ideology in the context of the study of empire as a political form of spatial organization become partially or almost unstudied. Researchers also ignore the issue of the influence of ideology on the construction of the socio-political space of modern empires and states with their inherent similarities and differences.Recent research and publications analysis. In the last few years, a certain trend in the study of ideologies has emerged in the social and political sciences. The first one (Mierzejewski D., Kowalski B., Jha B.) is focused on the analysis of socio-cultural and national aspects of ideology (politics of memory and identities, nationalism and nation- building, cultural aspects of the functioning of ideologies). The second one (Piketty T., Goldhammer A., Isaacs R.) emphasises the study of economic aspects of ideology, including issues of economic inequality, ideological divisions in society, the impact of political ideology on the functioning of the economic system.Paper objective. The purpose of the article is to determine the features of ideology that affect the construction (organization) of the space of the empire and the modern state. To solve this goal it is necessary to perform the following research tasks: 1) review of theoretical and methodological concepts regarding the definition of «ideology»; 2) definition of the main (dominant and meaningful) structures of ideology.Paper main body. In the analysis of ideology, we rely on the research of D. Lukacs, L. Althusser, S. Zyzek, who define ideology as a form of consciousness and a set of systemic ideas and social practices of individuals. Ideology is analyzed using structural-functional, retrospective and factor analysis, which allows to identify both the structures of ideology and its main features, including: mythologizing the present and past, centralization and decentralization, universalization and particularism, citizenship and cosmopolitanism, sacralization of power and religions factor, marking of space and its symbolization, dichotomy of law and traditions.Conclusions of the research. The structural-functional and normative-value characteristics of ideology that have an impact on the process of formation of the socio-political order within a specific space are determined. The definition of imperial ideology is outlined, which is presented as a tool for organizing space, based on the mythologizing of the present, particularism and cosmopolitanism, and focuses on the construction of the own imperial world, in which the construction of the imperial order is taking place.

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Struggle over Dimensionality. Party Competition in Western and Eastern Europe

Author(s): Jan Rovný,Erica E. Edwards / Language(s): English Issue: 01/2012

This article analyzes the impact of party strategies on the issue structure, and consequently the dimensional structure, of party systems across Europe. Conceptualizing political competition in two dimensions (economic left-right and social traditionalism versus liberalism), the authors demonstrate that political parties in both Eastern and Western Europe contest the issue composition of political space. The authors argue that large, mainstream parties are invested in the dimensional status quo, preferring to compete on the primary dimension by emphasizing economic issues. Systematically disadvantaged niche parties, conversely, prefer to compete along a secondary dimension by stressing social issues. Adopting such a strategy enables niche parties to divert voter attention and challenge the structure of conflict between the major partisan competitors. The authors test these propositions using the 2006 iteration of the Chapel Hill Expert Surveys on Party Positions. Findings indicate that while the structure of political conflict in Eastern versus Western Europe could not be more different, the logic with which parties compete in their respective systems is the same. The authors conclude that political competition is primarily a struggle over dimensionality; it does not merely occur along issue dimensions but also over their content.

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Party Patronage in Poland. The Democratic Left Alliance and Law and Justice Compared

Author(s): Anna Gwiazda / Language(s): English Issue: 04/2008

Patronage is central to Polish party politics. The power of a governing party to appoint its supporters to positions in public and semi-public spheres will be examined in this paper. The two governments under investigation are: the center–left coalition government of the Democratic Left Alliance, the Labour Union, and the Polish Peasant Party formed in October 2001 and the center–right minority government of the Law and Justice party formed in October 2005. A significant extent of party patronage was expected in the case of the Democratic Left Alliance, which confirmed a dominant party thesis. However, in the case of Law and Justice, party patronage was expected to be hindered by party competition. This has not been the case, which challenges two arguments put forward by Grzymala-Busse that the dispersion of parliamentary power constrains party patronage and that in Poland the general pattern is that of decreasing rent-seeking.

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Against coercive paternalism: A case for soft paternalism and the preservation of autonomy

Author(s): Peter Wedekind / Language(s): English Issue: 2/2020

The article opposes the rejection of autonomy in favor of coercive paternalism. Based on the thought of especially John Stuart Mill, Immanuel Kant, and Joel Feinberg, it suggests that autonomy as an ideal, a moral capacity, and a foundational principle in liberal democracies must not be surrendered for a doctrine of benevolent coercion. The arguments are equally concerned with the justifications for coercion, the value of autonomy and moral agency, and the dangers of paternalism (e.g. infantilization). The article concludes that Mill’s soft paternalism based on the harm principle could serve as a reasonable middle-ground allowing for the most severe types of self-harming behavior to be avoided without surrendering autonomy altogether.

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Sveobuhvatnost i razložnost koncepcija dobra u raspravi političkog liberalizma i perfekcionizma

Author(s): Michal Sládeček / Language(s): Croatian Issue: 02/158/2020

The paper argues that Rawls’ critique of perfectionism from the standpoint of neutral liberalism scrutinizes the conceptions of the good without demarcation between them, that is, without distinguishing whether they are comprehensive religious or philosophical conceptions, or whether they are piecemeal comprehensions of local values, concepts and goods. In addition to the high contestability in the use of the concept of comprehensiveness, it is necessary to retain the concept of reasonableness, as comprehensions of the good have to be to some extent well-founded, consistent and coherent to be considered relevant in a political dispute. Considering these distinctions, it can be claimed that, in particular cases, the application of considerations of the good in disputes concerning constitutional essentials can be supported and, considering reasonable pluralism, morally justified. Nevertheless, moderate perfectionism has to specify whether political decisions create and support options, promote valuable goods or they discourage worthless goods. It is necessary to delineate the limits of perfectionistic measures accordingly.

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Perception of Democracy in the Turkish Political Culture

Author(s): Sabriye Beste Kabacam / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2020

The subject of this article is political culture and its relationshipwith democracy. The article is focused mainly on Turkish politicalculture and democratic practices. It is clear that the political system isdirectly connected with the political culture of society. But how could wedistinguish political culture from other things or do we even have to?The purpose of this article is to present and evaluate the main role ofpolitical culture, which affects levels of tolerance, interpersonal trust,etc., as well as the adaption of democratic institutions to the currentsystem. The main problems of Turkish political life are discussed inthe article with the perspective of the relationship between politicalculture and democracy. The aim of this article is to present conceptsof cultural orientations, the reflection of economic and political factors,social structures, as well as complex and unclear relations between them,which are simultaneously linked to a stable democracy. Therefore, it canbe observed that stable democracy is not a coincidence but a result of allmentioned factors.

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Limbajul totalitar prin prisma teoriei viral-metamorfice

Author(s): Vlad Gafița / Language(s): Romanian Issue: 1/2018

Although there has never been a complete domination of totalitarianism over language, their influence on social communication has been significant, due to factors such as the special nature of totalitarian ideologies (but their viral-metamorphic character); Teleological (target-oriented) vision of society's development; The promise of a bright future that will make people forget the everyday difficulties, the paternalist nature of anti-pluralist ideologies (which prepares the ground for mental manipulation); Sacrificing power by creating the cult of the ruler. The language, transformed into totalitarian discourse, has the following dominant traits: the oratory and the declamatory style; Campaign tone; triumphalism; Ideology and the attribution of symbolic meanings to political concepts; The creation of ideologies–different in meaning, to the usual meaning of words; Scientism and exaggerated abstraction, to the detriment of logic; Lofty criticism and fervor, often false; The intense use of slogans or mantras; The assertion of absolute truth.

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Consequences of Post-Fascism in Security Policies in Spain

Author(s): José A. Brandariz García,Patricia Faraldo Cabana / Language(s): English Issue: 1-2/2015

The paper analyses the features of the Spanish criminal justice system from the perspective of the late-democratisation condition of the Spanish polity. The text sees an almost uninterrupted expansionism and a relatively high level of severity as basic traits of the evolution of the Spanish criminal justice system. Consequently, the paper examines those features from the viewpoints of legal reforms, institutional practices and collective perceptions and expectations experienced since the end of the autocratic period. Finally, the article investigates some reasons which may explain the relatively high punitiveness of the Spanish criminal justice system, before adding a coda on the changes of the penal system fostered by the Great Recession.

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Respect My Right to Dominate. Recognition Politics and Foundationalist Representation

Author(s): Péter Csigó,Máté Zombory / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2020

In this article, we present how the recognition framework of political and historic representation has enabled reactionary political forces, which increasingly recognize its inner contradictions and turn them against the basic principle of universal dignity, with the clear aim of corroding the whole recognition political edifice from the inside out. Taking the field of the symbolic construction of European identity as our main focus, we will reconstruct how the takeover of recognition politics has destabilized political and historic representation in Europe and ended up undermining European integration rather than enhancing it. Following one of the most important theorists of political and historic representation, Frank Ankersmit, we introduce the conceptual distinction between antifoundationalist vs. founda-tionalist representation in order to account for the series of decisive institutional changes that since the 1970s have contributed to the intersection of two separate fields into ‘memory politics’ and led to the rise of a new and inherently non-democratic foundationalism, of which recognition politics is one of the main symptoms.

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Towards a Disentanglement of the Links between the Memory Boom and the Neoliberal Turn

Author(s): Cristian Cercel / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2020

The memory boom and the related emergence of cosmopolitan victimhood-centred memories, increasingly criticized for depoliticizing the past and thus contributing to the depoliticization of the present, have been simultaneous with the curtailment of the welfare state, the abandonment of the politics of redistribution, the erosion of social and economic rights, and the growth in social and economic inequalities. Yet if the latter are often being considered to be among the reasons leading to the current right-wing populist wave in Europe and elsewhere or at least are seen as entangled therewith, the relevance of the memory boom for these developments has not been properly interrogated.

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The Post-politics of Recognition in Hegemonic Struggles

Author(s): Dalma Feró / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2020

In the history of post-WWII Western emancipation movements, a marked shift took place from a liberation to a recognition paradigm. The latter embodies a distinctly post-political conceptualisation of social justice in its (re)formulation of the political with respect to the personal and with respect to social relations. As a result, recognition politics not only gives way to the fragmentation of justice claims, but also weaponises them against each other, as for instance ‘sexual and gender minority’ politics have expropriated crucial political arenas from feminist politics. These permutations of recognition politics are not the result of spontaneous, inevitable development, but that of political intervention devised to transform, neutralise, and absorb radical politics. Recognition politics has thus become a basic hegemonic strategy of transformism, consensus-building, and the forging of ‘common sense.’ Despite the mechanisms deployed to manage its internal contradictions (like the rainbow coalition and intersectionality), reinvigorated criticisms have blamed recognition politics for the crumbling of the current hegemony of liberalism. However, recognition seems to have been so deeply embedded in the social and cultural imagination that apparently neither internal critiques, nor the currently emerging counter-hegemonic projects can shake it off.

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Emotions and Civility

Author(s): Anna Malewska-Szałygin / Language(s): English Issue: 2/2020

Typical conversations about political matters are charged with emotion. Political matters are understood here as a thematic field involving talks about central authorities and parliament, as well as comments on news provided by the media. Talks about this topic often occur during neighborly meetings and family or social gatherings. I conducted ethnographic interviews to analyze how rural inhabitants talk about such political matters. During the interviews, especially polyphonic ones, I observed the accom-panying emotions, such as raised voices, faces bloodshot with irritation, lively gestures, the use of irony, and sometimes vulgar language and swearing. Anger, resentment, anxiety, fear, contempt, hostility, and even hatred were unmistakable signals of emotional involvement in political matters and engagement in debate about the common good and public affairs. Thus, the question arises: are such conversations a form of civility?

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Is M. Duverger’s ‘Disparity Law’ the Rosetta Stone of Ukrainian Partology?

Author(s): Yurij Shveda / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2013

In November 24-25 2011 Kyiv hosted International conference “Party system of Ukraine: evolution, tendencies and perspectives of development,” organized by I. F. Kuras Institute of Political and Ethno-National Studies at the National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine. The conference assembled a number of scholars from Ukraine and abroad, who are engaged in studying political parties. This was probably the first conference in Ukraine of such level exclusively dedicated to analyzing political parties, their role and place in the political life of Ukraine. The conference was unique and very productive in terms of the level of discussion and geography of participation. It has proved that Ukrainian studies of political parties – partology – has already formed and is dynamically developing. One particular point sparking lively discussion was defining the essence of the notion “political party” and whether it could be rightfully applied to Ukrainian political associations. The article suggests the author‟s considerations on the essence of the problem, which, in our view, is a central methodological problem (or the Rosetta stone) of the Ukrainian partology. it may be rightfully stated that the solution of the problem will influence all further development of the discipline.

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Krytyka, opór, nadzieja. Wokół publicystyki zaangażowanej Henry’ego A. Giroux

Author(s): Michał Kruszelnicki / Language(s): Polish Issue: 54 (1)/2020

The article discusses and problematizes Henry Giroux’s postulate to construe academic teachers as public and transformative intellectuals along with his claim that both humanities and social sciences, notably pedagogy, ought to be thought of as politically engaged. The author of the article indicates different factors thwarting the implementation of those postulates, such as: the dominance of neoliberal ideology, the onslaught of market fundamentalism, and an unselective manner in which students are enrolled into universities, in particular humanities’ departments. Following in Giroux’s footsteps, the author underscores the role played by the discourse of possibility and hope, as a necessary complement to the criticism conceived of as stripping away the “false consciousness,” yet – at the same time – he steers clear of the over-optimistic belief espoused by Giroux about the contemporary young people’s critical potential and civic agency, as well as the feasibility of reclaiming power over the conditions of their work by academicians.

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