An audience with … the public, the representative, the sovereign

Author(s): Niccolò Milanese / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2017

The right of audience, in common law, is the right of a lawyer to represent a client in a court. Royalty, the Pope and some Presidents grant audiences. What does the power to grant an audience consist in? And what does it mean to demand an audience (with)? Through a reading of the way in which the vocabulary of theatre, acting and audience is involved in the generation of a theory of state by Hobbes and Rousseau, this paper looks to reopen these questions as a political resource for us to re-imagine and refigure our ways of being together. Through readings of Hobbes and Rousseau, it looks at the ways in which the performance of politics creates the public, the representative and the sovereign and the ways these figures interact. It proposes an alternative role for theatre as places of affective learning and a civic ethics of playfulness, in which the auto-institution of the state as an imagined collectivity is fully assumed.

Association, Property, Territory: What Is at Stake in Immigration?

Author(s): Zoltán Miklósi / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2017

It is often claimed that states have territorial rights, and that these rights include the right to exclude people who seek admission to their territory. In this paper I will examine whether the most defensible account of territorial rights can provide support to the right to exclude. I will discuss three types of theories of territorial rights. The first account links the right of states to exclude to the prior right of individuals to freedom of association, which is said to include the right not to associate and to dissociate. The second is a Lockean theory that grounds the territorial rights of states, and hence their right to exclude, in the prior right of individuals to private property in the land that constitutes the territory of the state. I argue that these accounts have independently implausible implications, regardless of their implications for the immigration debate. The third account is a Kantian theory that bases the territorial jurisdiction of states on individuals’ duty to create, sustain and submit themselves to a shared system of law that is a necessary condition of guaranteeing their rights and of discharging their duties towards one another. I will argue that the Kantian account is superior to its current alternatives. However, I also suggest that it cannot ground a broad right to exclude.

Liberal Autonomy in a Troubled Context

Author(s): Nenad Dimitrijević / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2017

Autonomy, understood as self-rule, is almost routinely accepted as one of the core liberal concepts. Still, a closer view reveals that both the status and meaning of autonomy are controversial. The text departs from a short summary of the main theoretical disputes surrounding the concept. A critique of the standard internalist account is followed by an attempt to offer reasons for accepting a relational reading of autonomy. The central question of the text is context-specific. It asks about the possibility and meaning of liberal autonomy in a society whose past is marked by mass regime-sponsored (and sometimes widely supported) crimes. The background assumption is that mass crime leaves actors in heteronomous condition. At stake is reestablishing individual autonomies of two types of actors, whose group-specific identities have been created by crime: the ethical community of those who share collective identity with victims, and the ethical community of those who share collective identity with perpetrators.

Andrea Faggion, Nuria Sánchez Madrid, Alessandro Pinzani (Eds.) Kant and Social Policies, Palgrave Macmillan, London, New York, 2016

Author(s): Igor Cvejić / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2017

Granice i nasilje

Author(s): Étienne Balibar / Language(s): Bosnian Issue: 03/1997

Na pitanje "šta je granica?" danas nema jednostavnog odgovora. Složenost pojma granice i njenog prelaska, kao i mnogoznačnost tog pojma, tjera nas u savremenom trenutku na ograničavanje njenog društvenog prostora i na legalno nasilje, koji traže odgovor u radikalizaciji demokratije.

Građansko, etničko i političko demokratske nacije i Evropska federacija

Author(s): Ugo Vlaisavljević / Language(s): Bosnian Issue: 03+04/2001

Možda se danas može govoriti o povratku etničkog. Postoje prilično brojne i važne indikacije da to možemo činiti. Za većinu zemalja, naročito tzv. Trećeg svijeta, etničko je glavni i presudni sadržaj političkog. Njihova politička modernost, ako nije tek pokrenula borbu za etnički opstanak, sigurno je nije prekinula. Međutim, o povratku etničkog možemo govoriti samo na osnovu uvida u politička dešavanja u jednom, na političkoj mapi svijeta povlaštenom - makar donedavno i makar relativno povlaštenom - političkom prostoru. Samo tamo gdje je etničko bilo stvar prošlosti možemo govoriti o njegovom povratku. Samo tamo gdje je etničko bilo shvaćeno kao predmoderno, predpolitičko, arhaično... Ne naprosto shvaćeno, predstavljeno, itd., (u kolektivnoj svijesti) nego potisnuto, obesnaženo, iscrpljeno, itd. (političkim akcijama glavnih aktera socijalne stvarnosti).

Nacionalizam, nacija, javni prostor

Author(s): Lahouari Addi / Language(s): Bosnian Issue: 03+04/2001

Društvene znanosti su prebrzo prihvatile stanovište po kojem neka zemlja postaje Nacija od trenutka kada postane nezavisna. Dakako, ima tu podložnosti, ali također i činjenica: Nacija je rezultat dugog povijesnog procesa tokom kojeg do izražaja dolaze konsenzualne vrijednosti koje grade nacionalnu slogu i građanski mir.

Mirotvorna demokratija

Author(s): Nigel Gould-Davis / Language(s): Bosnian Issue: 03+04/2001

Zakaria razmišlja o uzurpaciji moći od strane demokratski izabranih vođa kao o primjeru neliberalne prakse. Ovo je, ipak, neliberalizam kao kršenje podjele vlasti prije negoli kršenje prava građana. Može biti loše to što je kirgistanski predsjednik Askar Akajev stvorio jaku izvršnu vlast, ali ovo je prije debata o vrijednostima različitih demokratskih modela negoli sveukupno ozbiljnija stvar kao što je prekršaj sloboda pojedinca. Demokratska moć može biti organizirana na više različitih načina, ali je besmisleno govoriti - bez ispitivanja pojedinačnih slučajeva - da su nekimodeli suštinski neliberalniji od drugih.

Univerzalizam/partikularizam: shvatanje sopstva i rekonstrukcija zajednice u uslovima moderne

Author(s): Jasminka Babić-Avdispahić / Language(s): Bosnian Issue: 01+02/2000

Debata između liberala i komunitarista je ključna debata unutar novijih tokova etike i političke filozofije. Ona je nastupila na filozofsku scenu u trenutku kada se činilo da su kantijanski liberali stekli prednost nad utilitarizmom. Rawlsova teorija pravde kao nepristrasnosti, u razvijenom obliku u kojem je predstavljena čitalačkoj publici sedamdesetih godina u Teoriji pravde, ne samo da je definitivno potakla napuštanje isključive orjentiranosti na meta-pitanja u prilog gradnji apstraktnih normativnih teorija, već se ukazala kao nadmoćna alternativa i kritika utilitarističkih teorija, što je tradicionalno bila Kantova teorija. Rawlsova teorija, koja hoće objasniti našu intuiciju da prava pojedinca ne mogu biti predmet političkog kalkulusa, da se mora respektirati odvojivost osoba, da su neke sklonosti (poput mučenja drugog) i neke institucije (poput ropstva) loše po sebi, ukazuje na neadekvatnost utilitarizma koji se svojim neutralnim kalkulusom najprije činio pogodnim za liberalne svrhe.

Izazovi multikulturalizma: Politička kultura i kulturne forme života

Author(s): Jasminka Babić-Avdispahić / Language(s): Bosnian Issue: 01+02/2001

Neodoljiva i neizbježna rasprava o multikulturalizmu nedvojbeno je ukazala da ne postoji “suština” multikulturalizma koja bi bila predmet općenitih i apstraktnih filozofskih razmatranja. Multikulturalizam, naime, zadobiva različite forme i postavlja različite izazove u zavisnosti od različitih konteksta - historijskih i geografskih. Za tretiranje multikulturnih pitanja, dakle, važni su lokalni nacionalni i institucionalni konteksti i političke istorije. U tom smislu trebalo bi govoriti ne o multikulturalizmu općenito već o izazovima multikulturalizma u SAD, Australiji, Njemačkoj, Francuskoj, Bosni i Hercegovini..

Múlt nélküli történelem. A magyar demokratikus ellenzék független történelmi emlékezete

Author(s): András Bozóki / Language(s): Hungarian Issue: 4/2016

The way the Hungarian dissident groups of “democratic opposition” viewed history had been determined by their antagonistic position to the Kádár regime. They fundamentally differed in their judgment from the communists on the following major issues: the post-1945 era, Stalinism, the revolution of 1956, the “compromise” with the Kádár regime, economic development, the national question, reasons of the East-West divide, just as the chances of organizing an anti-regime opposition. They diametrically opposed the regime on issues in judging the present and evaluating the perspectives of the future. However, they were thinking similarly in that they rarely looked back to the pre-1945 past. Since both the power-holders and the anti-regime opposition refused the pre-1945 political regime, the opposition did not fully question the offi cial interpretation of history. Rather, the dissidents rejected the self-defi nition of the Kádár regime and its historical and political foundations.

Koncepty občianskej participácie a participatívnej demokracie nazerané teoretickou optikou

Author(s): Marián Sekerák / Language(s): Slovak Issue: 2/2017

The Concepts of Civic Participation and Participatory Democracy through the Lenses of Theory. The rapidly changing European political environment poses a big challenge not only to elected representatives but also to scholars. In the paper, I elucidate the theoretical approaches to civic participation. Consequently, a theory of participatory democracy, which is heavily neglected in the Slovak academia, is presented through the prism of Carole Pateman’s, C.B. Macpherson’s and Benjamin Barber’s writings. Their ideas on civic engagement in public life appear to be noteworthy again, especially in the light of the changing conditions of democratic citizenship – particularly in regards to the EU-wide decline in voter turnout, increasing income inequality, downgrade of social solidarity and cooperation, growing intolerance or dissatisfaction with representative democracy.

Filozofsko-politički spisi Hasana Kafije Pruščaka

Author(s): Amir Ljubović / Language(s): Bosnian Issue: 01+02/1995

Kulturna baština, po svojoj definiciji, uvijek podrazumijeva pripadnost nekoj zajednici, a uz ovo ona najvrijednija djela, djela koja su reprezentanti te baštine, ukoliko u sebi nose univerzalne vrijednosti, ili vrijednosti po sebi, pripadaju, u isto vrijeme, i zajedničkoj svojini čovječanstva. Međutim, ta djela uvijek izrastaju iz stvaralačkog procesa izvanrednih ličnosti iz reda pojedinih naroda, onih pojedinaca koji ta djela ostvaruju upravo svojim individualnim sposobnostima.

Idžtihad i islam u duhu vremena kod Muhameda Ikbala i Alija Šarijatija

Author(s): Seid Halilović / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 1/2016

Sprovođenjem praktičnih verskih propisa u svom individualnom i društvenom životu musliman se približava tajnama večnog blaženstva i višnjih realnosti univerzuma. Zapravo, ti propisi plod su božjeg znanja. Njihove finalne formulacije predstavnici briljantne pravne baštine islama nalazili su u verskim izvorima - stručnim procesom koji nazivamo idžtihad. Naravno, da bi što bolje upoznali predmet tih propisa, oni su nužno bili usredsređeni na empirijska dostignuća i društvene kontekste svog vremena. Muslimanski reformisti, pod uticajem dominantne moderne nauke, idžtihad poistovećuju s empirijskim istraživanjima. Na taj način, oni odbacuju uzvišene i nepromenljive saznajne osnove idžtihada, koje sadrže religijsko otkrovenje i racionalno saznanje. Oni međutim zanemaruju to da moderna nauka nipošto nema moć da prosuđuje o svim realnostima i vrednostima kako su to naivno želeli naučnici iz XIX veka. Fundamentalne promene u značenju idžtihada u ovom radu pratimo prvenstveno koristeći metodu detaljne analize sadržaja popularnih dela dva slavna muslimanska reformistička mislioca, Muhameda Ikbala i Alija Šarijatija. Prvi insistira na tome da danas samo moderno empirijsko saznanje ima naučni kredibilitet i da se isključivo njime treba rukovoditi u svim aspektima života. A kod drugog čitamo da se u svetlu idžtihada islam mora menjati i uskladiti s modernom naukom i novim društvenim potrebama.

Samosubverzivna pravda: formula kontingencije ili transcendencije prava?

Author(s): Gunther Teubner / Language(s): Croatian Issue: 38-39/2009

Sociologija prava ne poznaje nikakvu pravdu. Doduše brojna empirijska istraživanja o pravdi saznaju što ljudi u različitim konfliktnim situacijama smatraju pravednim i poštenim. Isto tako su brojne sociološke teorije o pravnim normama, sankcijama, zanimanjima i sudovima. Ali ne postoji nikakva pravnosociološka teorija pravde.1 Pravnokritičke i kulturnokritičke studije običavaju otkrivati nepravde prava s obzirom na odnose između naraštaja, na etničko podrijetlo, na podjelu dobara i na kulturne uvjete života, ili uzmiču redovito pred pitanjem što bi mogla pozitivno značiti pravda prava. Normativnost pravde pojavljuje se prema tome, ako uopće, kao politički projekt a ne kao projekt prava. Je li sama pravda – fundamentalno očekivanje ljudi spram prava – slijepa mrlja razlikovanja pravo/društvo.

Sličnosti i razlike u političkim mišljenjima Abul-Ale Mavdudija i Sajida Kutba

Author(s): Ivan Ejub Kostić / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 2/2015

Abul-Ala Mavdudi i Sajid Kutb u akademskoj literaturi na Zapadu često se označavaju kao mislioci koji su svojim razmišljanjima i aktivizmom postavili temelj radikalnim islamističkim idejama za koje se tvrdi da su poslužile kao osnov za nastanak džihadističkih pokreta. Pored toga, njihovo intelektualno nasleđe i misao na Zapadu se u značajnoj meri olako poistovećuju. Stoga, cilj ovoga rada jeste da nepristrasno predstavi istinsku prirodu njihove političke misli, kao i da pored sličnosti u njihovim razmišljanjima identifikuje razlike u njihovom razvojnom putu, intelektualnom pristupu i aktivizmu. Pokušaj diferencijacije mišljenja dvojice muslimanskih intelektualaca dolazi kao rezultat uvida u to da su naučnici na Zapadu često skloni prostoj simplifikaciji i poistovećivanju islamskih mislilaca i pokreta zarad ideološki obojenih akademskih pretpostavki i bez dublje analize. Takođe, rad će ponuditi terminološka rešenja za određene vidove islamskog aktivizma.

Politička teorija Ibn Halduna

Author(s): Jelena Vukoičić / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 2/2015

Ibn Haldun predstavlja jednu od najznačajnijih ličnosti u istoriji islamske političke misli, ali i jednog od najvećih mislilaca srednjeg veka. Njegovo najpoznatije delo al-Mukadima jedna je od najoriginalnijih analiza procesa istorijske evolucije društva, države i ljudske civilizacije generalno. Suština ovog monumentalnog dela leži u identifikaciji društvenih, ekonomskih i psiholoških razloga koji doprinose razvoju, usponu i padu ljudske civilizacije i time fundamentalno oblikuju istorijske tokove. Ibn Haldun je svojim delima nesumnjivo dao veliki doprinos istorijskoj nauci, ali je neophodno istaći i njegov doprinos drugim društvenim naukama, kao što su sociologija, politikologija i ekonomija. Ovaj veliki mislilac predstavlja jedinstvenu pojavu u muslimanskoj istoriji i kulturi. Naime, kao što nije imao prethodnike među arapskim piscima, tako nije imao ni naslednike u svojim oblastima istraživanja.

Social Darwinism as Theoretical Approach to Discussion about Upper Limits of Suffrage

Author(s): Daniela Škutová,Lukáš Vilímek / Language(s): English Issue: 2/2017

The question of the possibility to implement the upper limit of voting right is rather sensitive yet on the rise in democratic societies. The main goal of the research is to concentrate on moral and social consequences of eventual introduction of such limitation, and presentation of related pros and cons. Secondary, it aims to contribute to real and substantial professional discussion about this sensitive and specific topic. The article intends to provide a rational explanation of relevancy of our dilemma and its consequences for development of democracy and credibility of elections, as well as application of Social Darwinism theory and theory of public choice on the researched topic. Methodological framework in our work includes analysis of political scientists’ and thinkers’ works. The advocacy and criticism of the topic of our research is made by synthesis of their works. We are analyzing as well the legal documents, which create normative obstacles to our intention. Eventually, the authors reached coherent insights on this dilemma and conclude that even if risks are present, the upper limit of suffrage could lead to stability and credibility of elections.

Зашто је политичка теорија настала тек у старој Грчкој?

Author(s): Iva Smiljanić / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 1/2015

That political philosophy and political theory as such, appeared in Classical Greece and not before or elsewhere, is a hard and indisputable fact of modern scholarship. But to acknowledge and perceive a fact is one thing, to explain it quite another. Why were the ancestors of modern scientific and philosophical disciplines created in Ancient Greece and not somewhere else is a difficult question that was tackled by many capable researchers from various fields, in the last two centuries. Philosophers, historians, archaeologists, philologists and students of politics, to name but a few of these fields, approached the problem from different angles, and gave many answers to it, both valid and unsound. Many of the more simplistic explanations, especially those that seek to connect the “Greek miracle” with a single factor, are now considered obsolete and are no longer taken seriously. But this difficult and intriguing problem remains. The question can be rephrased in several different ways, some of which could potentially open new approaches to the problem. For example, we could ask why didn’t the cultures of the Ancient Near East, with their grand achievements in many fields of creativity, produce science, philosophy or political theory, in the ways the Greeks did. The answer can be obtained by a deeper analysis of social and cultural conditions in Ancient Mesopotamia and Egypt, and other ancient Eastern cultures. Once we understand that these are hierarchical and bureaucratic societies, dominated by the two pivotal institutions - the ruler’s court and the temple - where the world view was shaped predominantly by the religious and mythical concepts, and where the individuality of any single person (apart from the king himself and his immediate surroundings) was subordinated to a collective mentality, identity and interests, the question seems much easier to answer. But what about the Ancient Greece?

Samorządowy eksperyment – Rzecznik Obywateli przy Radzie Miasta Gdyni (1992–2005)

Author(s): Andrzej Szmyt / Language(s): Polish Issue: XXXIV/2015

The Author presents the concept and activities of the unique self-government authority - a local ombudsman that was functioning at the City Council of Gdynia in the years 1992-2005. This institution was an expression of searching new solutions for the political system in transition. In the consciousness of local people it was perceived as a form of developing democracy, civic awareness, strengthening and developing procedural standards in order to help the local community. It is worth mentioning that the local Commissioner in Gdynia was a unique institution in the whole country.