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The concept for more effective civic participation in support of four vulnerable groups aims to identify legislative changes, improvement of practices and policy development by decision makers and the civil society to facilitate vulnerable communities in their interaction with state institutions and establish effective support mechanisms. The publication proposes concrete solutions and a roadmap for their implementation for each of these groups - prisoners, victims of human trafficking, victims of domestic violence, asylum seekers and other vulnerable groups of foreigners.
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In this book, the fourth term of the Civil Society Dialogue Grant Program, supported by the Ministry of European Union of the Republic of Turkey, was carried out in partnership with Uskudar University, Haci Habibullah Geredevi Foundation (HAGEV) and CEIPES (Italy) Hand in hand with Refugee Children' project, the papers and speeches presented at the International Symposium on Children and Migration are brought together with the reader.
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The monograph attempts to provide an empirically grounded answer to a number of discussional scientific issues related to individual decision-making differences by building a comprehensive conceptual model and constructing a specifically selected toolbox as a prerequisite for creating an empirically validated methodology in the field of research of individual differences in decision-making. Original empirical results have been obtained confirming that the style of decision-making is not identical to cognitive style (nor is it a subset, but contains a cognitive component that does not exhaust any of the styles) and is related to mental self-regulation due to individual differences, generated by the ways of satisfying the hedonistic motif (regulatory focus and fashion), the need to control excitement (stress control), and the need for connectivity and increased self-esteem. These results are a prerequisite for the further development of individual decision-making research as well as the decision-making theory itself, because it allows for a fuller consideration of individual differences and their interaction with the characteristics of the situation and the problem that is being solved.The methodological basis of the study is the cognitive survival theory of Seymour Epstein. The results and theoretical summaries obtained empirically confirm the validity of the global personality theory that has the potential to explain new scientific problems, incorporating private theories such as E. Tory Higgins' motivational theory and Mark R. Leary's sociometric mechanism.
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EU strategic decision on Serbia’s candidacy is crucial for the country’s further movement towards European integrations. Had it not been for it, Serbia’s poor democratic potential would have been trapped by its strong, populist right-wing. The Serbian society is still incapable to definitely opt for a substantive, democratic transformation and fulfillment of the Copenhagen criteria. Regardless of all the pressures to which it has probably been exposed, the political pivot’s, the Democratic Party’s, failure to progress more towards Europeanization testifies of its lack of states manly leadership and inability for a political U-turn. Having radicalized the Kosovo issue Belgrade has undermined its standing in EU. Mainstream political and intellectual elites do not look to the future. Serbia needs to take stock of its situation. The society’s un-readiness to cope with the past plays into the hands of the political right and its attempts at blocking Serbia’s Euro-Atlantic integration. Rather than accept the reality, the political elite is autistic and trapped by self-pity. As long as its elite role-plays a victim Serbia will not be able to work constructively on its future and the future of the region.
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The streets of Germany’s biggest cities are increasingly witnessing frequent anti-Semitic incidents. Despite the fact that Germany regards the fight against anti-Semitism as part and parcel of its domestic policy, in recent years Jews living in Germany have reported that they feel under threat, to such an extent that 44% of them are considering migration. Debates on the presence of ‘imported anti-Semitism’ among refugees from Arab states who have come to Germany in recent years have been held for several months. Anti-Semitism among asylum seekers is a new element in the dispute that has been evident in Germany over the attitude of specific parties to anti-Semitism and methods for combating it. Both Alternative for Germany (AfD) and the Left Party are accused by other parties of insufficient efforts to eliminate instances of anti-Semitism in their ranks. The AfD, for its part, accuses Chancellor Angela Merkel of having contributed to an increase in xenophobic tendencies by pursuing a liberal migration policy. Significant differences between the statistics concerning incidents (which suggest that the perpetrators are most often right-wing extremists) and the accounts given by the victims (who point to individuals of migrant origin as the perpetrators) have triggered doubts regarding the methodology used to compile these statistics. Attempts by the Federal Ministry of the Interior to monitor anti-Semitic incidents, which is a practice recommended by non-governmental organisations, may help to improve the credibility of the statistics by showing the motivation behind such attacks in a broader context. Activities carried out by the federation and by individual German states focus on curbing anti-Semitism on the internet and in schools, which is where incidents involving discrimination and attacks are becoming increasingly common.
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Na ulicach największych niemieckich miast coraz częściej dochodzi do incydentów antysemickich. Mimo że walka z antysemityzmem jest uznawana w Niemczech za część doktryny państwowej, w ostatnich latach wśród Żydów żyjących w Niemczech zdecydowanie wzrosło poczucia zagrożenia i to do tego stopnia, że 44% z badanych rozważa emigrację. Od kilkunastu miesięcy prowadzone są debaty nad „zaimportowanym antysemityzmem” obecnym wśród uchodźców z państw arabskich, przybywających w ostatnich latach do RFN. Antysemityzm wśród azylantów jest nowym elementem w trwającym od dłuższego czasu w Niemczech sporze o stosunek poszczególnych partii do antysemityzmu i jego zwalczania. Zarówno Alternatywa dla Niemiec (AfD), jak i Lewica są oskarżane przez pozostałe ugrupowania o niedostateczne rozliczanie się z przypadków antysemityzmu we własnych szeregach. Z kolei AfD zarzuca kanclerz Angeli Merkel przyczynienie się do wzrostu ksenofobii poprzez liberalną politykę migracyjną. Znaczące różnice między statystykami incydentów (w których mowa o sprawcach przede wszystkim prawicowej proweniencji) a odczuciami ofiar, które wskazują sprawców o pochodzeniu migracyjnym, rodzą pytania o metodologię prowadzonych zestawień. Próby wdrażania przez Federalne Ministerstwo Spraw Wewnętrznych opracowanych przez organizacje pozarządowe praktyk monitorowania incydentów antysemickich mogą pomóc w poprawie wiarygodności statystyk dzięki przedstawieniu szerszego tła motywacji ataków. Działania federacji i krajów związkowych koncentrują się szczególnie na powstrzymywaniu antysemityzmu w Internecie oraz szkołach, gdzie coraz częściej dochodzi do dyskryminacji i ataków.
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Introduction – Ali Çağlar, Ibrahim Sirkeci, Betül Dilara Şeker Chapter 1: Mobilities of Turkish migrants in Europe – Steffen Pötzschke Chapter 2: Incentive to migrate and to return to home country: A comparison of Turkish, Moroccan and Egyptian cases – Yehudith Kahn and Nir Billfeld Chapter 3: Turkish refugees and their use of health and social services in London – Nilüfer Korkmaz Yaylagül, Suzan Yazıcı and George Leeson Chapter 4: A Widening immigrant – native gap. Child income and poverty in Sweden among immigrants from Turkey and the surrounding region – Björn Gustafsson and Torun ÖsterbergChapter 5: Alevis’ transnational practices and the consolidation of Alevi identity in the United Kingdom – Ayşegül Akdemir Chapter 6: Turkish teachers’ views on European identity in Belgium – Ali Faruk Yaylacı Chapter 7: Turkish women in Alsace: Language maintenance and shift in negotiating integration – Feray J. Baskin Chapter 8: From retreating to resisting: How Austrian-Turkish women deal with experiences of racism – Katharina Hametner Chapter 9: Social communication among Turkish immigrants in Belgium – Filiz Göktuna YaylacıChapter 10: Tiryaki Kukla – Smoking cessation and tobacco prevention among migrants from Turkey in Switzerland – Corina Salis Gross, Claudia Arnold and Michael Schaub Chapter 11: “Rewriting” Turkish-German cinema from the bottom-up: Turkish emigration cinema – Ömer Alkin Chapter 12: Grounded theory and transnational audience reception – Deniz Özalpman Chapter 13: Turkish Muslims in a German city: Entrepreneurial and residential self-determination – Sarah Hackett Chapter 14: An Investigation on the Turkish Religious Foundation of the UK (Diyanet) – Yakup Çoştu and Feyza Ceyhan Çoştu
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People on the move face new barriers in a globalizing world. Some of these barriers are related with the rise of an increasingly security-oriented approach towards international migrants. Notwithstanding the forces of globalization, states have maintained their monopoly power over whom to admit and whom to deny within their borders. In other words, they remain the sovereign authority regulating the entry and exit of people. However, in recent years, a number of states have singled out international immigration as the greatest political and social threat to their cultural and national security. The securitization of immigration is founded upon the premise that the international movement of people represents an exceptional risk for the survival of the nation and this is often associated with terrorism, instability and criminality. The securitization of immigration is also based on the idea that the ‘traditional’ authority vested in states to regulate immigration is somehow insufficient and needs to be enhanced. These assumptions correspond with a real policy shift in some countries such as the United States, where the government is planning to spend approximately 23 Billion Dollars on border security and immigration enforcement in 2019 alone." "This edited volume is an exploration of the global landscapes inhabited by refugees and labour migrants, although the focus is largely on the former. Despite the fact that most of the empirical studies are drawn from within Europe, the book also includes research on Nepal, Australia, the Middle East and Japan in order to reveal the truly global dimensions of migration and the regimes governing this.
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This volume brings together a selection of papers presented at the 3rd Turkish Migration Conference held at Charles University Prague, 25-27 June 2015. This selection of papers presented at the conference are only a small portion of contributions. Many other papers are included in edited books and submitted to refereed journals in due course. There were a total of about 146 papers by over 200 authors presented in 40 parallel sessions and three plenary sessions at Jinonice Campus of Charles University Prague. About a fifth of the sessions at the conference were in Turkish language although the main language was English. Therefore some of the proceedings are in Turkish too.
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I have the honour to present this second volume of the “What is the Gender of Security?” series. The OSCE Mission to Bosnia and Herzegovina has partnered with the Sarajevo Open Centre in support of established and emerging practitioners and academics to provide important analysis on the engagement of women in the security sector and other relevant topics pertaining to gender and security. In so doing, we aim to foster synergies among academia, practitioners, and political and security decision-makers, and to highlight the importance of including gender perspectives in all aspects of security. We have partnered with the Sarajevo Open Centre to mark two important anniversaries: 2020 marks 25 years since the end of the conflict in Bosnia and Herzegovina and 20 years since the adoption of the landmark UNSC Resolution 1325 on Women, Peace and Security. The Resolution, unfortunately inspired by the conflicts in BiH and Rwanda in the 1990s, has helped place women’s war and post-war experiences at the forefront of international policy making, especially when it comes to peace negotiations and peace-building, peacekeeping, reconciliation, and reconstruction. Although much remains to be done in the fight to achieve equal rights and opportunities, it is worth recalling the progress achieved so far. To date 83 countries have adopted a National Action Plan for the Implementation of UNSCR 1325, with BiH being one of the first, having adopted its Plan in 2010. I am proud to represent an organization that puts promoting and achieving gender equality within and among participating States, our executive structures and field operations at the forefront of its work. The OSCE adopted its Action Plan for Promotion of Gender Equality in 2004, at a time when gender issues were rarely discussed in international fora. UNSCR 1325 is one of the pillars of our Action Plan and the OSCE Mission to BiH will continue to support BiH partner institutions in promoting its implementation. Since the 1975 Helsinki Final Act (the precursor to the OSCE as we know it today), participating States have recognized the value of a comprehensive approach to security. We remain committed to this approach. Human security cannot be ensured by depending exclusively on democratically-controlled defence and security forces. To achieve sustainable security, access to education and health, economic stability, rule of law, respect for human rights and a stable environment are all crucial. Gender equality and ensuring that youth perspectives play a central role in decision making remains at the heart of the OSCE’s approach. In 2019 the OSCE published research on “Implementing the Women, Peace and Security Agenda in the OSCE Region“ which provides an excellent overview of the implementation of UNSCR 1325. I recommend it to all interested researchers. The world is currently facing a security crisis on a scale more serious than most others in living memory. We are confronted with a pandemic that has forced us all to assume a key role in ensuring the safety and security of our loved ones and ourselves. The spread of the COVID-19 virus has brought into stark relief our global interdependence. It has highlighted the importance of looking out for each other, as well as supporting and protecting the democratic institutions that help our societies function and effectively address crises such as this one. Moreover, it has demonstrated the important role women can and must play as leaders, communicators, researchers and health providers in fighting the pandemic, to the benefit of all. These challenges require us all, whether in government or academia, to continue to collaborate, monitor, analyse, and learn from the experiences we are confronting. It is my sincere hope that, with this second volume, the Sarajevo Open Centre and the OSCE Mission to BiH will together make a valuable contribution to increased knowledge and awareness of many aspects of the UNSCR 1325 implementation.
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Čast mi je predstaviti ovaj drugi tom zbornika pod nazivom “Kojeg je roda sigurnost?”. Misija OSCE-a u Bosni i Hercegovini djelovala je u partnerstvu sa Sarajevskim otvorenim centrom da bi pružila podršku etabliranim praktičarkama i praktičarima te članovima i članicama akademske zajednice, kao i onima koji su tek u usponu, da izvrše važnu analizu angažmana žena u sigurnosnom sektoru, kao i drugih relevantnih tema koje se tiču roda i sigurnosti. Čineći to, naš je cilj da kultiviramo sinergije između akademske zajednice, praktičara i donosilaca odluka u oblastima politike i sigurnosti, kao i da naglasimo važnost uključivanja rodne perspektive u sve aspekte sigurnosti. Djelovali smo u partnerstvu sa Sarajevskim otvorenim centrom da bismo obilježili dvije važne godišnjice: 2020. godine se obilježava 25 godina od kraja sukoba u Bosni i Hercegovini i 20 godina od usvajanja znamenite Rezolucije 1325 Vijeća sigurnosti UN-a “Žene, mir i sigurnost”. Ta Rezolucija, nažalost inspirisana sukobima u BiH i Ruandi 90-ih godina 20. vijeka, pomogla je da se ratna i poslijeratna iskustva žena stave u prvi plan kada je u pitanju kreiranje međunarodnih politika djelovanja, naročito u vezi sa mirovnim pregovorima i izgradnjom mira, očuvanjem mira, pomirenjem i obnovom. Iako ostaje još mnogo toga da se uradi u borbi za ostvarenje jednakih prava i mogućnosti, vrijedi se podsjetiti dosadašnjeg napretka. Do danas su 83 države usvojile nacionalni akcioni plan za provedbu Rezolucije 1325 Vijeća sigurnosti UN-a, pri čemu je BiH bila jedna od prvih, usvojivši svoj plan 2010. godine. Ponosna sam što predstavljam organizaciju koja u prvi plan svog rada stavlja promociju i ostvarenje rodne ravnopravnosti u državama članicama, našim izvršnim tijelima i terenskim misijama, kao i između njih. OSCE je usvojio svoj Akcioni plan za promociju rodne ravnopravnosti 2004. godine, u vrijeme kada se o rodnim pitanjima rijetko razgovaralo u međunarodnim forumima. Rezolucija 1325 Vijeća sigurnosti UN-a jedan je od stubova našeg Akcionog plana, a Misija OSCE-a u BiH će nastaviti da pruža podršku partnerskim institucijama iz BiH u promociji njene provedbe. Još od Završnog dokumenta iz Helsinkija usvojenog 1975. godine (koji predstavlja prethodnicu OSCE-a kakvog poznajemo danas), države članice su prepoznale vrijednost sveobuhvatnog pristupa sigurnosti. Ostajemo predani tom pristupu. Sigurnost ljudi ne može biti osigurana oslanjajući se isključivo na snage odbrane i sigurnosti koje se nalaze pod demokratskom kontrolom. Da bi se postigla održiva sigurnost, od ključne su važnosti pristup obrazovanju i zdravstvu, ekonomska stabilnost, vladavina prava, poštovanje ljudskih prava i stabilno okruženje. Rodna ravnopravnost i osiguravanje da gledišta mladih igraju jednu od centralnih uloga u donošenju odluka ostaju u središtu OSCE-ovog pristupa. OSCE je 2019. godine objavio istraživanje pod nazivom “Provedba Agende ‘Žene, mir i sigurnost’ u državama članicama OSCE-a”, u kome je pružen izvanredan pregled provedbe Rezolucije 1325 Vijeća sigurnosti UN-a. Preporučujem ga svim zainteresovanim istraživačima i istraživačicama. Svijet se trenutno suočava sa sigurnosnom krizom ozbiljnijom od većine drugih u našem životnom vijeku. Suočeni smo sa pandemijom koja nas je sve prisilila da odigramo jednu od ključnih uloga u pružanju sigurnosti sebi i svojim najmilijima. Širenje koronavirusa zorno je pokazalo našu globalnu međuzavisnost. Ono je naglasilo važnost brige jednih za druge, kao i važnost pružanja podrške i zaštite demokratskim institucijama koje pomažu našim društvima da funkcionišu i djelotvorno rješavaju krize poput ove. Štaviše, ono je pokazalo važnu ulogu koju žene mogu i moraju igrati kao liderke, komunikatorice, istraživačice i zdravstvene djelatnice u borbi protiv pandemije, za dobrobit svih nas. Ti izazovi traže od svih nas, bez obzira da li radimo u tijelima vlasti ili u akademskoj zajednici, da nastavimo da sarađujemo, pratimo, analiziramo i učimo iz iskustava sa kojima se suočavamo. Iskreno se nadam da će, ovim drugim tomom, Sarajevski otvoreni centar i Misija OSCE-a u BiH zajedno dati vrijedan doprinos većem nivou znanja i svijesti o mnogim aspektima provedbe Rezolucije 1325 Vijeća sigurnosti UN-a.
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W literaturze przedmiotu podkreśla się, że jedną z największych słabości rynku nieruchomości, przynajmniej polskiego, jest brak kompleksowych i wiarygodnych informacji na temat jego stanu i rozwoju. Dane, którymi dysponuje przeciętny inwestor, są zwykle ograniczone zarówno jeśli chodzi o zakres przedmiotowy, jak i przestrzenny. Działalność na rynku nieruchomości, w tym deweloperska, wymaga systematycznych badań tego rynku, bowiem proces deweloperski jest długotrwały, wieloetapowy i skutkuje przekształceniem przestrzeni w aspekcie fizycznym, materialnym, społecznym oraz ekonomicznym. Naukowe badania rynku nieruchomości mieszkaniowych powinny być w związku z tym możliwie jak najbardziej kompleksowe, tzn. dotyczyć sfery podaży, popytu oraz cen mieszkań, uwzględniać perspektywę różnych (również słabszych) interesariuszy, dane historyczne i prognozy rozwojowe, zjawiska lokalne i globalne, wskaźniki ekonomiczne i opinie uczestników rynku. Celem prezentowanej monografii jest przedstawienie sytuacji na rynku mieszkaniowym w kontekście preferencji i potrzeb klientów nabywających mieszkania, wpływu pandemii COVID-19 na rynek nieruchomości, a także określenie czynników mogących oddziaływać na wartość nieruchomości. Problematyka została omówiona z uwzględnieniem istoty współczesnego miasta i procesów w nim zachodzących. Przeprowadzone w poszczególnych rozdziałach przedmiotowe analizy pozwoliły na wskazanie różnych niedopasowań ofert do oczekiwań nabywców na rynku nieruchomości. W wyniku postępowania badawczego autorzy sformułowali wnioski oraz rekomendacje dotyczące kierunków rozwoju rynku nieruchomości mieszkaniowych. Monografia może być źródłem wiedzy dla teoretyków i praktyków gospodarczych, a także stać się inspiracją do dyskusji i dalszych badań dotyczących kierunków rozwoju rynku nieruchomości. Wydanie dofinansowane ze środków Ministerstwa Edukacji i Nauki w ramach programu Doskonała nauka.
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The project “Young people in Montenegro – social ornament or social capital?” seeks to contribute to the empowerment of young people in Montenegro and to their active participation in the promotion of democratic values that also lie at the foundation of the European Union. More specifically, the objective of this project is to raise the awareness of the public and interested parties about the issues, problems and the prospects of young people in Montenegro, as well as to strengthen the capacities of young people for active participation in social and political processes. The importance of this project is reflected in the fact that it provides a comprehensive insight into one of the most marginalised social groups in the Montenegrin society – a group that is often talked about, but whose needs, opinions, views and potential have never been adequately recognised or assessed. Consequently, the young people lack the tools to confront the challenge of carving a place for themselves in the society and exerting influence on the current affairs.
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Social innovation serves to eliminate differences in society, so their goal is to influence and correct social change. They include new methods, services or approaches to problem solving than those currently introduced and serve to improve and improve the social environment. Social innovation is crucial for the economic and social development of society. Advocacy is an activity that seeks to influence political, economic or sociual decisions with to a positive change in policy, practice or attitude and involves direct access to decision makers at different levels. In the Czech Republic, the introduction of social innovation is supported by projects from the European Social Fund. The aim of the paper is to find out the possibilities of advocacy tools supporting social innovation possibilities of functioning and implementation into public policies in the Czech Republic. The research was based on a questionnaire survey on the implementation of advocacy work for selected implementers and applicants for support from the European Social Fund, focusing on the project of the City of Brno. The survey showed that advocacy has its place in innovation projects and further support and development of this tool is desirable. The limits currently being addressed by the entities are mainly related to the limited capacities, financial demands and relatively low knowledge of the tools they can use in the advocacy.
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Analizu Integracija rodne perspektive u zaštiti i spašavanju i smanjenju rizika od katastrofa je provela Fondacije Cure u saradnji, upute i usmjeranja članova IPA DRAM BiH radne grupe i Agencije za ravnopravnost spolova BiH Ministrastva za ljudska prava i izbjeglice BiH, u okviru Regionalnog IPA DRAM programa pod nazivom “Procjenjivanje rizika i mapiranje u Zemljama Zapadnog Balkana i Turskoj“ [Instrument for Pre-Accession Assistance (IPA) Disaster Risk Assessment and Mapping in the Western Balkans and Turkey (DRAM)]. Zemlje korisnice ovog programa su Albanija, Bosna i Hercegovina, Sjeverna Makedonija, Crna Gora, Srbija, Kosovo i Turska.Svrha Regionalnog IPA DRAM programa, je unapređenje koherentnih nacionalnih sistema za prikupljanje podataka o štetama i gubicima u nesrećama i katastrofama, procjeni rizika i mapiranju, kao i usklađivanje i integracija u Mehanizam civilne zaštite Europske unije. Jedno od „cross-cutting“ pitanja IPA DRAM programa je integracija rodne perpesktive u zaštitu i spašavanje i smanjenje rizika od nesreća i katastrofa. S time u vezi je 5. i 6. marta 2019. godine u Švedskoj održana IPA DRAM regionalna radionica na ovu temu, a čija namjera je bila uspostaviti kontakt između institucija zaštite i spašavanja i institucija nadležnih za rodnu ravnopravnost u cilju utvrđivanja potrebe uvođenja principa rodne ravnopravnosti u djelokrug rada institucija zaštite i spašavanja. Tokom radionice došlo se do zaključka da je neophodno provesti edukacijske programe, izraditi vodiče i uputstva i osigurati bolju koordinaciju institucija nadležnih za zaštitu i spašavanje i rodnu ravnopravnost. Iz radionice je proizašao prijedlog da svaka od zemalja provede aktivnost kojom će inicirati ili unaprijediti integraciju rodne perspektive u zaštitu i spašavanje i smanjenje rizika od nesreća i katastrofa.
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Analysis of Gender Mainstreaming in Protection and Rescue and Disaster Risk Reduction has been conducted by the Cure Foundation in cooperation, guidance and guidance of members of the IPA DRAM BiH Working Group and the BiH Gender Equality Agency of the BiH Ministry of Human Rights and Refugees, under the Instrument for Pre-Accession Assistance (IPA) Disaster Risk Assessment and Mapping in the Western Balkans and Turkey (DRAM) Regional Programme (IPA DRAM). Beneficiary countries of this programme are Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Northern Macedonia, Montenegro, Serbia, Kosovo and Turkey. The purpose of the Regional IPA DRAM Programme is to improve coherent national systems for data collection on disaster-related damages and loses, risk assessment and mapping, as well as compliance and integration into the EU Civil Protection Mechanism. One of the cross-cutting issues of the IPA DRAM Programme is gender mainstreaming in protection and rescue and reducing the risk of accidents and disasters. In this regard, an IPA DRAM regional workshop on this very topic was held in Sweden on 5 and 6 March 2019. Its aim was to build contact between protection and rescue institutions and institutions responsible for gender equality in order to identify the need to have gender mainstreaming introduced in the work of the protection and rescue institutions. One of the conclusions from the workshop is the need to carry out educational programmes, develop guides and instructions and ensure better coordination of institutions responsible for protection and rescue and gender equality. The workshop resulted in a proposal for each country to undertake an activity to launch or advance gender mainstreaming in protection and rescue and reducing the risk of accidents and disasters.
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Publikacija koja je pred nama proizvod je promišljanja i istraživanja grupe autorica, koje su uradile rodno osjetljive analize pravnih akata, relevantnih propisa i politika, na državnim, entitetskim, kantonalnim i gradskim nivoima u Bosni i Hercegovini, u oblastima socijalne i zdravstvene zaštite, te rada i zapošljavanja, sa posebnim osvrtom na prava žena povratnica. Ova analiza nadovezuje se na ranije urađenu rodno osjetljivu situacionu analizu pravnih dokumenata i konkretne prakse, u relevantnim institucijama u tri grada, pod nazivom „Socijalna uključenost povratnica: rodno osjetljiva situaciona analiza". Kako je izsituacione analize postalo vidljivo da se većina povratnika i povratnica ne osjeća nacionalno ugroženima, s obzirom na povratak u kraj u kojem su manjinska grupa, već zanenemareno od društva i države, jer im nije u stanju pružiti zaposlenje, tj. ekonomsku sigurnost, pojavila se potreba za analizom normativno-pravnih akata, koji direktno proizvode socijalnu isključenost povratničke populacije, posebno žena povratnica. Obje analize dio su implementacije projekta Socijalna uključenost žena povratnica u BiH koju vodi Transkulturna psihosocijalna obrazovna fondacija (TPO) iz Sarajeva, uz podršku Norveške Vlade. Iako je, u globalu, jednakopravnost pred zakonom u Bosni i Hercegovini dobro obezbijeđena, postoje podzakonski i drugi dokumenti koji direktno ili indirektno diskriminiraju žene i tako ih višestruko marginalizuju u društvu. Nepotpuni zakoni iz oblasti socijalne i zdravstvene zaštite, rada i zapošljavanja, o kojima je ovim analizama riječ, direktno određuju ekonomsku situaciju žena povratnica. U zakonskim propustima, koje autorice detaljno otkrivaju, čita se ekonomska diskriminacija žena, budući da žene nemaju, zakonski tačno uređen, pristup ekonomskim resursima. Sve to zajedno proizvodi i umnožava siromaštvo, zavisnost od drugih, nezbrinutost, nemogućnost društvenog djelovanja i samostalnog rada, te patnju žena povratnica. Osnovni cilj ove publikacije jeste da se ukaže na nedostatke u zakonskim i drugim dokumentima, koji onemogućavaju povratnice da ravnopravno sudjeluju u dobijanju i korišćenju ekonomske pomoći i beneficija, koje su raznim aktima predviđeni za povratničku populaciju. U tom smislu izuzetno su značajne intervencije ovdje okupljenih autorica, čije preporuke ne treba da budu utopijsko rješenje, već dragocjeni doprinos antipatrijarhalnim pravnim dokumentima, koji će uvažiti specifične potrebe žena i tako obezbijediti jednakopravnost spolova, osim pred zakonom, i u praksi. Širi kontekst priče o ekonomskoj neravnopravnosti žena, posebno povratnica, pred zakonima Bosne i Hercegovine, jeste pitanje raspodjele javne moći i novca. Kada se već ekonomski odnosi uređuju i kontrolišu pravnim mehanizmima, a institucije direktno određuju naše životne prilike, dragocjeni su svi napori da se obezbijede ravnopravne i najbolje moguće prilike za sve. Na kraju, dolazi se i do pitanja prava i pravde, jer je za žene povratnice, trenutno, ideal pravde nedostižan. Zbog svega ovoga, publikacija „Socijalna uključenost povratnica u Bosni i Hercegovini - rodno osjetljiva analiza zakonskih dokumenata u oblastima socijalne i zdravstvene zaštite, rada i zapošljavanja" nije puka pravna analiza dokumenata, već smjernica za stvaranje ravnopravne stvarnosti za sve i pravne prakse koja će ukinuti simboličko nasilje nad, ionako, ranjivim grupama. Autorice okupljene oko ovog projekta ukazuju na problemska mjesta bosanskohercegovačkih pravnih mehanizama provedbe i zaštite prava žena povratnica. Žene povratnice - samohrane majke, privrednice ili vlasnice imovine, itd., koje postojeći zakoni i drugi dokumenti ne prepoznaju kao specifičnu grupu, svakodnevno se susreću sa diskriminacijom. Povratnice kao kategorija su nevidljive, jer se zakon, riječima Natalije Petrić „bavi muškarcima kao predominantno nositeljima porodičnog domaćinstva (...), muškarcima kao predominantno vlasnicima preduzeća i/ili samostalnim privrednicima, odnosno, vlasnicima poljoprivrednog zemljišta." Ovakvi zakonski akti proizvod su specifične kulturne tradicije, stereotipa i predrasuda, kao i samog jezika, koji je rodno neosjetljiv - isključivo određen muškim gramatičkim rodom i u kojem su žene nevidljive. Najvredniji doprinos publikacije koja je pred nama jesu preporuke koje autorice kroz svoje tekstove daju, te ih na kraju još jednom ističu. Iako ostvarivanje preporuka zahtijeva (parafraziraću stav Jelene Milinović i Spomenke Krunić) multisektorski pristup i uključivanje svih nadležnih institucija i društvenih aktera na svim nivoima, kao i dugotrajni proces promjene svijesti o ravnopravnosti spolova, autorice koje su učestvovale u ovoj analizi, svjesne su ograničenja, ne samo u vidu mandata i nadležnosti, već i u društvenim kretanjima, na koje imaju mali uticaj. Ipak, preporuke koje su ponudile predstavljaju intervenciju u stvaranju okruženja za pozitivne promjene u unapređivanju ravnopravnosti spolova. Ova rodno osjetljiva analiza pravnih dokumenata sastoji se iz tri dijela. U prvom dijelu analize Jelena Milinović i Spomenka Krunić daju pregled međunarodnih dokumenata, na koje se država Bosna i Hercegovina obavezala da će ih poštovati i koji su ugrađeni u domaće pravosuđe, a koji garantuju jednakopravnost spolova, odnosno direktno štite ženska ljudska prava, posebno u oblastima socijalne i zdravstvene zaštite, rada i zapošljavanja. U drugom dijelu analize, također, Jelena Milinović i Spomenka Krunić analiziraju pravna dokumenta na državnom nivou i u Republici Srpskoj, koja treba da osiguraju ravnopravan položaj žena, posebno povratnica, u već spomenutim oblastima. Vikica Šunjić analizira propise, strategije i pokazatelje na državnom i federalnom nivou u oblastima koje reguliraju pitanja raseljenih osoba, izbjeglica, povratnika i povratnica.Treći dio pokazuje postojeće prakse na nivou nekih gradova i kantona u Bosni i Hercegovini. Radmila Žigić se bavila socijalnom inkluzijom povratnica na području opštine Bijeljina, Natalija Petrić na području Banja Luke, a Sabiha Husić i Amira Alijagić uradile su rodno osjetljivu analizu podzakonskih akata i drugih dokumenata u oblastima socijalne i zdravstvene zaštite, te pokazale nivo socijalne inkluzije povratnica na području općine Zenica i Zeničko-dobojskog kantona. Posebnost ovoj pravnoj publikaciji daje i činjenica da su autorice, njih sedam, pisale svoje analize iz, međusobno, različitih profesionalnih pozicija i iskustava, slijedeći unaprijed date metodološke smjernice pri izradi svojih tekstova, ali vodeći se svojim znanjima i osjećajem za ukazivanje na najvažnije problemske tačke pravne uslovljenosti socijalne isključenosti povratnica. Možda teško vidljiv na prvo čitanje, dobio se interdisciplinarni pristup pravim problemima i rješenjima. Iz analiza koje se odnose na entitetske i gradske nivoe vlasti, vidljive su i neke razlike u postojećim propisima, ali kako te zakonske razlike nisu bile predmet ovih analiza, na zainteresovanim čitateljkama i čitateljima je da ih samostalno otkrivaju i razmišljaju o njima.
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