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The Last Dance is a sports documentary miniseries focusing on the 1997-98 NBA champions Chicago Bulls and their star Michael Jordan. Through the lenses of The Last Dance, whose global popularity has been unprecedented for a documentary, we discuss value from a historical, political and cultural perspective. First, this paper provides a concise account of the ambivalent nature of value from a historical perspective. We then discuss the Bulls’ General Manager dispute with Jordan over whether the players or the organizations win championships; and the Scottie Pippen “injustice”, according to which Pippen, a top Bulls player, was underpaid. By addressing these two issues, we show that all value is collectively produced. We argue that all value approaches are imperfect, temporary and context-specific. We thus highlight the need for scholars and policymakers to critically discuss value and point to the commons sphere for more inclusive understandings of value.
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The essay contributes to the discussion of the religio-political nexus by examining the interplay between the religious and the political and the dynamics of political imaginary evoked by the Christianization and reception of Christian political theology in Russia. After a cursory overview of theoretical foundations underpinning the religio-political problematic, the essay introduces political theology as a constitutive element of the religio-political nexus and its most emphatic forms of theocracy and sacral rulership. Political theology sheds light on the gravitation between the religious and the political and the meta-institutional potential of the religio-political nexus. The essay fo- cuses on the creative appropriation of religious themes by political imaginary contributing to the institution of autocracy in Russia. Christian monotheism and religious worldviews along with Byzantine political theology introduced theocratic vision and comprised the conceptual-symbolic framework within which autocratic configuration of power was articulated and legitimized. The increasing dependence of the church on the secular authority and reinterpretation of the doctrine of symphonia resulted into the caesaropapism associated with absolute autocracy. ‘Monistic unity’, unification of all powers subjugated and embodied by a sacralised autocratic ruler evolved in Russia as a paradigmatic pattern with long-lasting effects.
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In this paper I shall try to explain the term reflexive project of the self, as seen by Anthony Giddens. What is reflexive project of the self? How and why does it happen? What is its definition? How does it manifest itself in everyday life and in human relationships? These are some of the questions I shall try to answer in the paper. We live in a posttraditional society. Norms, values and systems which were valid in traditional societies aren’t important in lives of individuals any longer. The disappearance of clear models and principles of behaviour on both personal and broader social level, forces an individual to look for answers elsewhere and to create their identity in a different way than before. On personal level, this manifests itself in increased and transformed reflexivity, directed towards the creation of personality through close personal monitoring. The process going on in thus modified reflexivity Giddens calls reflexive project of the self. It happens through constant monitoring and results in the trajectory of the self.
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Istražujuci cjelinu Dirkemovog učenja, nedvosmisleno se nameće zaključak da se njegovo poimanje sociologije i društvenih nauka može okarakterisati kao sociologizam, što znaci da je on vjerovao da je društvo primarno u odnosu na pojedinca, odnosno da pojedinac svoje postojanje pronalazi isključivo u okviru društva. Nesporno je da je ovaj francuski mislilac bio među najistaknutijim sociolozima koji su zagovarali ideju o primarnosti društva u odnosu na pojedinca. Takvo razmišljanje ga je dovelo do ideje da sve društvene aspekte i elemente razmatra u duhu svojih sociologističkih stavova. Mnogi teoreticari se slažu da se sociologizam najpotpunije prikazao u objašnjenju religioznog fenomena, koji se konstituiše na osobenom i od individue neshvaćenom veličanju (obožavanju) društvenosti. Kultura, politika i ekonomija kod Dirkema nužno su bile shvaćene u skladu s idejom o primarnosti društva. Univerzalistički shvaćeno, društvo predstavlja poseban entitet koji živi za sebe, nezavisno i odvojeno od života različitih individua, djelujući u sopstveno ime i težeći ciljevima različitim od onih kojima se rukovode te individue. Cjelokupna Dirkemova zamisao o pozivu sociologije zahtijevala je da ova nova nauka prekorači prag univerzitetske učionice i obrati se širem auditorijumu, čak cijelom čovječanstvu.
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This paper maps and builds relations between posthumanism and the field of archaeology, arguing for vital and promising connections between the two. Posthuman insights on post-anthropocentrism, non-human multiplicities, and the minoritarian in the now intersect powerfully with archaeology’s multi-temporal and long-term interests in heterogenous and vibrant assemblages of people, places, and things, particularly the last few decades of ‘decolonial’ re-imaginings of the field. For these reasons, we frame archaeology as the historical science of posthumanism. We demonstrate the discipline’s breadth through three vignettes concerning archaeology’s unique engagements with multiplicities of objects, multiplicities of scales, and multiplicities of people. These examples, we argue, speak to the benefits of becoming posthuman archaeologists and archaeological posthumanists.
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Covid19-pandemic has had a profound impact on the way we live and on the social reality in the world around us. Except for the enormous strain on public and health of individuals, it has affected social functioning to great extent, at least temporarily. It has sped up digitalization and forced social activities to transfer to the digital realm to an unprecedented level. It has simultaenously confined social actors to their geographical localities. In all of this, it has offered an opportunity of different observational point of human being in the world in the context of late modernity. It is possible to assume that this kind of social situation has the potential to affect the sense of ontological security of social actors, as well as their experience of space. The contradictory implications of the transfer of the social activitiy to the digital communicative spaces to current extent are also discussed.
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Cities have become a place where the waste of globalization is dumped, forcing us to increasingly look for local solutions to global processes. Cities thus become battlefields, laboratories. For centuries, cities have been protected by their walls, and over time a certain culture of the gate was created, and thus a certain protocol of behavior and interaction. Ethnicity has become a dominant role in conflicts and in urban wars for space and the use of space, and it is absurd that in the era of globalization such conflicts appear that delimit the territory. A new unusual mode of conflict, not to mention warfare, is awakening in divided cities such as Glasgow, Belfast, Mostar. Over time, “cities of icons” are created - Sarajevo, Mostar, Grozny, Mogadishu, Beirut. The city is a battlefield, it is a jungle to be conquered, and at the same time from which one wants to escape. We are afraid of the unknown,of the different - whether it is an individual or a group. That fear exists, and it is evident.Until the war, Catholicism, Orthodoxy and Islam were almost equally represented in Mostar. That balance has long since been lost. Before the war, Mostar was equally important for all parts of Herzegovina. We cannot view space not only as a dwelling machine but also as a way of thinking, as a territory. Divided cities must rediscover their spaces, places of communication, exchanges.
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This essay aims to elucidate how political paradigm transitions affect trends in architecture and urbanization. For this purpose, the Foucault term heterotopias are used as the notion that reflects architectural and constructed objects as not merely being places of living, but also the status and power symbols of certain individuals and the ruling oligarchy. To illustrate our premise, we used a devastated, organically constructed, socialistic Hotel Ruža, located in the old town city center, which was later, during the postwar reconstruction, turned into a modern building. Today, this newly reconstructed hotel aims to show the guests’ affiliation to a specific social class and create the simulacrum that Mostar is an urbanized and modern city that possesses traditional elements interposed with contemporary urbanistic constructs. However, at the same time, this modern building’s construction serves to create a feeling or an illusion that the country is approaching western, developed urban spaces, while the reality is very different.
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Book-Review: Krebs, V., et al.: Sociální politika (Social Policy), 6th revised and updated edition. Prague: Wolters Kluwer, 2015. 568 pp., English summary of 2 pages. ‒ Jaroslav Vostatek
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(Socialistična družba in funkcionalna diferenciacija): Avtorjev namen v članku je, da s pomočjo moderne sistemske teorije pokaže, kaj je tipično za socialistične družbe kot družbeni system. Ugotavlja, da je tudi družbena ureditev v socializmu predstavljala obliko funkcionalne diferenciacije.V modernih družbah je glavni problem, kako znotraj funkcionalne diferenciacije delnih sistemov priti k njihovi družbeni integraciji. Da bi se izboljšala učinkovitost delnih sistemov, je potrebno v teh družbah sistemske funkcije obravnavati tudi kot posledico delovanj, tako da se nujno soočijo s problemom kolektivne akcije. Družbe se dokaj različno soočajo z napetostjo med kolektivno in individualno racionalnostjo. Kar je značilno za socializem, je njegovo prizadevanje, da se funkcionalno diferenciacijo poveže z razrednostjo. To vodi k dobro znani praksi fizičnega izključevanja posameznikov iz družbe, vse z namenom, da se zagotovi njena enotnost. Avtor v članku primerja socializem kot obliko funkcionalne diferenciacije s tipi družbenih integracij, ki temeljijo na solidarnosti in z liberalizmom.
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There is a number of economic theories claiming that economic growth is accelerated by increasing inequality. Inequality is said to force people to work harder and more efficiently. On the other hand, other economists disagree with this theory claiming that increased inequality hinders economic growth, especially indirectly through greater social problems. Although the sociological science does not have a firm position concerning this matter it underlines the negative social components of inequality. The author of this paper tries to prove - using the example not only of transition but also of developed economies - that too wide inequality in distribution decreases economic growth, and at the same time increases social problems in a society.
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The anti-gender movement has been gaining prominence since the 2000s, supporting the idea that gender theory is wrong and unscientific. Conservative civil society organizations (CSOs) have played a leading role in promoting the ideas and demands of the movement. Recent studies have elaborated on the relationship between right-wing populism, Church and antigender movement; however, it is still significant to further the studies focussing on the involvement of conservative CSOs in the movement. To serve this aim, this paper will analyze the role of conservative CSOs in the anti-gender movement in Eastern Europe, with particular focus on three conservative groups in Croatia, Slovakia and Poland, providing a ground against gender equality politics. The online presence of three groups – “Vigilare”, “Aliancia za rodinu”, and Centrum Wspierania Inicjatyw dla Życia i Rodziny" will be investigated with thematic analysis. This study argues that contrary to the linear relationship between civil society and democratization established by the mainstream liberal view, conservative CSOs operating within anti-gender movements work to the detriment of democracy.
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Pred strahotama ratova u sada već bivšoj Jugoslaviji, analitički pokušaj razumevanja ovih zbivanja mogao bi izgledati kao maloumnost;kako je moguće toliku količinu ponovljenog istorijskog ludila objašnjavati racionalnim sredstvima? A drugo, nije li već pokušaj traženja razjašnjenja za to što se dešava neka vrsta prećutnog opravdanja, izgovora, ublažavanje počinjenih strahota? Da li pozicija analitičara neminovno sadrži izvestan stepen samodistanciranja od grube stvarnosti i time makar i nesvesno pruža priliku za skidanja odgovornosti sa sebe za ono što se dogadja? Nije li u takvoj situaciji ćutanje primereniji i efektniji iskaz ličnog gnušanja, nepristajanja na zadatu situaciju? Ali, ako se racionalno-analitičko stajalište ostavi po strani i zameni moralno-emotivnom reakcijom da li postoje ikakve šanse da se izadje iz vrtloga sunovrata i iznova počne graditi iole podnošljivija društvena situacija? Ne sumnjam da je ovakvim ili sličnim pitanjima, dilemama i sumnjama ophrvan ne mali broj pojedinica u sadašnjim društvenim okolnostima. Medjutim, u slučaju sociologa one se mogu manifestovati u obliku blokade profesionalnog delovanja, jer je pritisak profesionalne svesti i osećaj profesionalne ogovornosti za aktualna dogadjanja daleko jači nego u drugim profesijama, a šanse da se na njih utiče vlastitom ili organizovanom profesionalnom aktivnošću kako bi se izbegli najnepovoljniji ishodi neznatne.
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Kako se može definisati društvena situacija sadašnje Jugoslavije? Koja bi sociološka teorija bila najprikladnija za njeno objašnjenje? Osobenost sadašnjih zbivanja u Jugoslaviji svakako jeste u tome što se temeljno preuređenje društva istovremeno događa u svim bitnim domenima društvene organizacije. Promene privrednog sistema u centru su pažnje javnosti zbog započete transformacije svojinskih odnosa. Značajne promene dogodile su se i na području političkog sistema, iako je izgradnja institucija političkog pluralizma i pravne države, po mnogim ocenama, tek na početku. Najzad, promene u superstrukturi društva donekle ostaju u senci onoga što se zbiva u privredi i politici, mada i ovde ima jasnih nagoveštaja nastajanja nove kulturne i duhovne situacije.
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U prethodnom postupku, radi utvrđivanja osobenosti i uslova za naučni tretman budućnosti, u ovom slučaju sociologije društvenog razvitka i futurologije, treba najpre eliminisati ono što je izvan ovih dveju disciplina. Takva su, na primer, popularna i stereotipska shvatanja budućnosti, potom i njeno astrološko i mitološko predstavljanje. U prvom slučaju to su razne "transeksplikacije", kvazipostulati o „numenalnom“, „biotičkom“ ili stanovište o „principijelnoj nesaznatljivosti“ i „krajnje neizvesnoj budućnosti“. Prihvatanje takvih i sličnih postulata diskvalifikuje već i samu mogućnost naučnog raspravljanja o budućnosti. Slična konstatacija važi i za razne popularizacije, pri čemu se budućnost obično iskazuje u metaforama, ilustruje sa primerima iz individualnog iskustva i dokazuje pomoću argumenta „dovoljnog razloga“.
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The philosophical views of Western thinkers be it classical, modern, or contemporary, have often received celebrated acceptance by African scholars and political leaders alike. There is arguably a high tempo of following the residual paths of Western Philosophers such as Plato, Aristotle, Rousseau, Machiavelli, Locke, and Hobbes amongst numerous others in the quest to formulate and implement sound political regimes and ideas as to how societies should be structured and governed. While there is absolutely nothing inherently wrong with appropriating philosophical ideas from non-African cultural backgrounds, what is problematic is the state of oblivion of African political philosophy in the academic sphere and Nigeria would not be spared in that matter. Therefore, this research seeks to analyze Awolowo’s Theory of Mental Magnitude and its nexus to leadership, good governance and enlightened followership in Nigerian polity and also dissect the effects exerted due to the neglect of such political philosophies. The research further stresses that in the march to political and societal excellence, due consideration ought to be given to indigenous -be it African or Nigerian- thinkers and philosophers who have proffered thoughtprovoking ideas and carved a niche for what can be rightly referred to as the contemporary African political thought.
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ln this article is discussed Sreten Vukosavljevic's Letters from Village, that is his articles published in the prewar daily and weekly journals and newspapers. The objective of this article is to make corrections of wrong and incomplete opinions on this part of Vukosavljevic’s work. A few examples among his articles unintentionally selected are presented. A special attention has been paid to the Vukosavljevic’s articles critical to the project of the reform of the actual Civil Code as well as to the relation of state legislation to traditional law, For the first time is published archive data concerning Vukosavljevic’s appointment as a lecturer of sociology on the prewar Faculty of Law in Beograd. At the end it is discussed the Vukosavljic’s concept of the people of whom he was studying in his "letters from village', and it is persuaded that he conceived Yugoslavs as non-complex and non-composed nation. The differences among the people of Yugoslavia are regional and not national.
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