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To se pitanje feministkinjama često upućuje, kao da bi se jednom definicijom, jednim jednostavnim zahvatom, moglo obuhvatiti obilje praksi i široko teorijsko polje koje se otkriva u ovom pojmu. Feminizam – kao i mnogi drugi -IZMI – jeste pokret, ideologija, lično uverenje, mreža teorijskih pozicija, polazna tačka u razmatranju fenomena koji se više ni ne moraju ticati žena, pojmovni okvir, skup različitih (ponekad izrazito kreativnih, ponekad teskobno arhivarskih) aktivnosti čiji je cilj pospešenje položaja u kojem se žene danas nalaze, a neretko i pokušaj da se istorija pročita drugačije, da se iz njenog tkanja „izvuku“ neka nevidljiva mesta koja bi mogla da posluže kao putokaz za buduće prakse. Katkad se tokom tog „prečitavanja“ povesti potkrade i neka greška, slučajna ili namerna, katkad naučnost ustupi mesto mašti. Sve to ostaje uključeno u feminizme, što njih ne čini ništa manje „verodostojnim“.
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Using the example of two Czech intellectuals, the philosopher Tomáš G. Masaryk and the writer Josef S. Machar, the study approaches the process of the struggle for influence in the public space. In the middle of the nineteeth century, the intellectual was a very influential representative of the newly emerging middle-class liberal elites. He formulated their ideological bases and represented their political interests. Over time, party structures began to form and consolidate, with individualistic “independent” intellectuals replaced by disciplined career party members. The end of the nineteenth century, in the broader context of modernity, also brought a final clash between intellectuals and professional politicians, or more precisely between the advocates of independence and the followers of structured (party) authority. In the long term, the intellectuals were eventually forced to succumb in this confrontation, but certain engaged individuals still managed to achieve partial successes.
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The Audit of Tatar Estates was carried out by field scribe of the Grodno Region Jarosz Piasecki and Oshmyany scribe Jan Kierdej under a decree of King Sigismund III Vasa and in line with the Constitutions of the General Sejm of 1625 to 1631. It is an indispensable source of knowlege on the social and economic situation among the social group of the socalled Tatar “hospodars” (in the area of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania), who remained in land military service. The Tatars, who in the area of Grodno lived mainly in two villages alongside the Lasosna River, in Svyatsk, and in the villages of Demidkovo and Mikelevshchina, provided horses to the army under two banners: the Uhlan unit of the Grodno Banner and the Uyshun unit of the Troki [Trakai] Banner. The details of individual entries in the books from the Audit of Tatar Estates allow us to trace the evolution of land ownership of the Tatars, as well as to track the demographic changes in the Tatar community of the Grodno Region and the transformation of its socio-economic situation as a whole.
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In the nineteenth century, the Russian Empire held power in Lithuania and spread the Orthodox faith, building Orthodox Christian churches and closing down Catholic ones. The year 1893 had the greatest impact in the Diocese of Samogitia, where Catholics put up resistance to the tsarist government’s attempt to close the church in Kražiai. The protestors were extremely brutally suppressed, due to which the events came to be called the Kražiai massacre. This episode in the history of the interwar period became an important image in the collective memory of Lithuanians and Poles. The article analyses how the imagery of the Kražiai massacre was used to represent different identities. It is argued that in the Second Polish Republic, the Kražiai massacre was presented as a proof of the heroism demonstrated by the Polish people in defending their religious and national identity. The image painted in this way represented the ideology of the Krajowcy movement. In interwar Lithuania, the dominant view was that the Kražiai massacre was a story of Lithuanians defending their religious and national identity; in addition, it was emphasised that it was an element of collective memory that belonged exclusively to Lithuanians. At the same time, the massacre was also used by those who wanted to highlight the identity of one of the sub-ethnicities of the Lithuanian nation – Samogitia.
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The article discusses the features of the national consciousness of Belarusian students at the Stefan Batory University, its forms and transformations. The main domains through which the university could influence the students’ public awareness are analysed: the SBU policy towards student national minorities; the development and coordination of various forms of minority communities’ organisation and their activities; educational and research work aimed at the promotion and support of certain national and cultural views, studies of local history, ethnography, languages, etc. The SBU’s administration attempted to create a consolidating platform based on regional principles and ideas of Occidentalism (Westernism) which would then be a springboard for various cultural, academic, and educational initiatives of minorities.
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The mid-1950s marked the beginning of the cooperation between Poland and Belarus in the field of culture. A significant role in this interaction was played by the Belarusian Society for Cultural Relations with Foreign Countries, which coordinated and organised the joint activities. Among the effects of the cooperation were the Days of Culture, meetings of cultural figures from Poland and Belarus, concerts, meetings with writers and poets, celebrations of anniversary events dedicated to famous cultural figures, translations of literary works by writers and poets from both countries.
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The political and institutional changes made in Europe in the last decade of the twentieth century and in the early twenty-first century as well as the effects of the democratic crisis are making it necessary to formulate a new educational and scholarly research policy. The Polish–Belarusian, Polish–Ukrainian, and Polish–Russian borders have become the eastern boundaries of the European Union. The processes occurring in this area go beyond the framework of EU transboundary regulatory policy. The development of Eastern Europe depends on legal and constitutional conditions and the degree of development of democratic institutions and civil society on both sides of the border. Politicians often forget that the image of the European Economic Area also depends on the level of this region’s economic development. By defining these development factors, it is possible to design projects aimed at broadening cooperation in the domain of economy and promoting European values. The analysis of the political, social, economic, and cultural processes in Eastern Europe and the role played by the borderlands of the European Union in popularizing European values in neighboring countries should help overcome the effects of the economic crisis. One of the elements in the fight against the recession may be educational and scholarly projects which contribute to the understanding of the socio-economic reality of our eastern border. Polish universities can become the executors of large-scale academic and research programmes developed by the EU and addressed to the countries of Eastern Europe, in particular Belarus and Ukraine. One of the goals of such projects should be the foundation of transboundary scientific centres. The most important and immediate matter is the establishment of Institutes of the East and their transformation from having a limited scope to becoming the leading centres in the areas east of Poland, assembling high-class specialists from many research fields. Such institutes would be involved in educating high-class specialists and would be responsible for developing a new field of study – Eastern Studies.
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The article discusses the role of Euroregions and national minorities in the development of dialogue between cultures. It is analysed on the example of selected activities forming part of Czech cultural diplomacy in Central Europe in the years 1991–2020. The principal source materials used in the research are, among others, chronicles, excerpts from the press, and websites of the organisers of long-lasting festivals held by the Glacensis Euroregion and the Czech minority in the Czech–Polish and Czech–Slovak borderlands. The analysis also encompasses the activities of the Bílé Karpaty Euroregion uniting associations from Czechia, Slovakia, and Poland. The study has revealed the intensity of mutual contacts between the nations and the themes which were of particular interest to the respective societies over the years. The results of the analysis indicate that Euroregions and the diaspora play an important role in building cultural dialogue, and that Central European nations are eager to participate in it.
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The article is devoted to the issue of Romanian identity and the symbolic geography of Romania after 1989. Considering Europe as a figure of imagination and a semantically loaded concept which became the starting point for all other histories, the author refers to Eastern and Central Europe as concepts generated by the European gaze. If Eastern Europe was generated by the Western need to invent almost a doppelganger to maintain its own identity, then in turn the East European inferiority complex, combined with the transition of much of Eastern Europe to Soviet control in 1945, led to the idea of Central Europe, designed to free itself from Soviet influence and emphasise its belonging to the West. The fall of the communist regime in Romania in 1989 entailed the need for local intellectuals to rewrite Romanian symbolic geography in a way that would put the country in its proper place on the European map. To this aim, Romanian intellectuals have proposed a number of intellectual models aimed at emphasising Romanian Europeanness, primarily referring to the idea of Central Europe.
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During the organization process of the Chamber administration in Slavonia at the end of the 17th and beginning of the 18th century, officials conducted censuses in 1698 and 1702. After that period the Court Chamber recorded Slavonia in 1721, 1736 and 1745/46. Apart from these censuses the Court Chamber recorded particular estates that were sold, i.e. donated to noble families. In the mid-18th century the owners had to make a list of estates so that the Vienna Court could determine the fees for their implementation. In the censuses from 1698 and 1702 the census takers described each village in every district, i.e. manor. During that process they determined the sizes of certain types of land (arable land, meadows, vineyards, forests, pastureland and gardens), yet they listed them in different types of measurement units related to human activity (how much could be ploughed in a morning, mown in a day, hoed in a day, walked in an hour), which makes it difficult for researchers to determine the proportions of particular areas of land. The census takers determined the wooded areas of the entire region, covered by the census, as well as the woody species of the forests. In 1698, they mainly used the terms acorning, timber, firewood for the woody species and only in the districts of Brod, Kobaš, Našice did they specify woody species according to the names of plant species (oak, beech, hornbeam, yew, poplar, willow, alder and others). In later censuses during the decameralization process the census takers used the aforementioned terms (acorning, timber, firewood). Apart from the asset strength of households and the size of land areas, the census takers determined the revenue of the estates and the value of all future estates. In that process they added the value of forests to the estate revenues determined by using certain mathematical models. On the basis of that model it is also possible to determine the significance of wooded areas in value and indirectly to the economy of manors at that time. The censuses from 1721 and 1736 do not provide data on the size of wooded areas or the amount of estate revenues; hence it is not possible to determine the significance of wooded areas in the economy of particular estates. The censuses of estates and estate revenues in the period from 1747 to 1751 provide also data on incomes of particular estates from estate forests. As per the censuses the estates gained income from forests by acorning and by using firewood and timber for the requirements of estates; these revenues were not recorded as estate revenues by the census takers. Through analysis of estate revenues it is possible to determine the significance of estate forests in the economy of then estates. From the censuses of the first half of the 18th century it can be concluded that the forests of Slavonian estates were not particularly significant when the values of the manors were being determined or for the economy of the manors throughout that period of time. Forests gained in importance during the first half of the 19th century.
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Socio-political everyday life of the Habsburg Monarchy was heavily shaped by the activities and life styles of the elites, their mutual relations and connections. It was not before the last two decades that the historiography has paid some attention to the “personal” in the affair of ruling as well as to the role of the ladies-in-waiting, very often owners of the wealthy estates, whose role has manifested as very important. Offcourse, the area of the Kingdom of Hungary-Croatia was not an exception. Nevertheless, these ladies are still rather unknown in Croatian historiography. Hence, the main goal of this paper is to point out the influence of the two of those ladies-in-waiting who were also the owners of the very wealthy estates in the Kingdom of Hungary-Croatia: Countess Batthyány and Countess Althann. Both were married to the much influential magnates, but also close friends and partners of the two of the most powerful men of the Habsburg Monarchy in the first half of the 18th century - the emperor and the king Charles VI of Habsburg and Eugen of Savoy. In the paper the author asks if these relations could positively reflect on socio-political relations within the Kingdom of Hungary-Croatia, or to the interests of the individual members of the Hungarian or Croatian estates’ corporations. To answer to these questions the author did her research not only based on the preserved written historical materials or secondary literature, but the author also analyses the allegorical fresco on the ceilings in one room of the Čakovec castle. This fresco was made in the 1720s on the initiative of Countess Althann, the owner of the castle. This fresco itself as well as the circumstances of its fabrications depicts the historical evidence of the importance of the associations of the political magnates in the creations of the political intrigues of the Habsburg Monarchy of that period.
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Problemi që synojmë të trajtojmë në këto faqe ka të bëjë me prejardhjen dhe përhapjen e të ashtuquajturit “mit pellazgjik”. Siç dihet, ky mit, sikundër ata që lidhen me bëmat e heronjve të panteonit shqiptar – Skënderbeu, Pirro, Aleksandri i Madh – ka pasur fatin e madh, edhe letrar, të mbisundojë gjatë shekullit XIX, me pasoja domethënëse që shtrihen deri në gjysmën e dytë të shekullit pasardhës. Edhe sot e kësaj dite ky mit ngre kokën herë pas here, jo vetëm në format e vjetra, me po ato metoda parashkencore, por madje me po ato synime e pretendime që pati qysh kur u shfaq në krye të herës: të dëshmojë se shqiptarët nuk ishin (a nuk janë) tjetër veçse pasardhësit e drejtpërdrejtë të pellazgëve “të shenjtë e të lavdishëm” për të cilët shkroi së pari Homeri.
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