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The journal „Logos“ was published in interwar Lithuania from 1921 until 1938. The journal was renewed in 1990. In celebration of the centenary of the existence of this journal, a total of one hundred and thirty-nine issues were published. During the interwar period, over thirty authors published their works in the journal Logos, and since 1990, hundreds of authors from Lithuania and other countries have pub- lished scientific research in the journal. In the interwar period, Pranas Dovydaitis, the signatory of the Act of Independence, was the editor of the journal. Dalia Marija Stančienė, professor of Klaipėda university, is currently the editor-in-chief of the journal. From 1921 until 1923 the journal was published as the private initiative of a group of Philosophy lov- ers. Later, the journal became a publication of the Faculty of theology and Philosophy of the university of lithuania. Since 1990 to date, the journal is published on private initiative. The article discusses the first issues of the journal in 1921 and 1990. The context of the publication of the journal, the lives and destinies of the authors, the topics are covered in the article. Historical, comparative, and analytical methods were used in the research.
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The article is a performative interpretation of Sendlerowa. W ukryciu, a biography of Irena Sendlerowa by Anna Bikont. The author of the article presents the biography as a textual performance, whose aim is to contest the well-known image of Irena Sendlerowa (described within the category of biomythography introduced by Michael Benton). The author analyses how Anna Bikont distances herself from the biomythography and reintroduces the parts of Sendlerowa’s biography that had been omitted for years through being incompatible with the role of a national hero. She also evaluates the extent to which biography can serve as a critical tool with respect to Polish historical policy.
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The paper deals with the deprivation of citizenship status in Croatia and federal Yugoslavia, in which Croatia was one of federal units, in the aftermath of the Second World War. The main questions the author refers to are regulations and practice of deprivations and its implications on the concept of citizenship. The author concludes that in Croatia and Yugoslavia in the aftermath of the Second World War existed and were implemented wide deprivations of citizenship. According to the author, this situation reflected different definition of citizenship which was now defined more in republican and communitarian way.
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This paper provides a translation into Bosnian of a statement signed in the Zagreb police on January 21, 1944 by Hafiz Muhamed ef. Pandža, a member of the Ulema-medžlis in Sarajevo and the initiator of a short-lived Muslim liberation movement which was envisioned as the main military support for Bosnian Muslims 152in the final days of World War II. The broader military-political context necessary to understand the meaning and content of a given statement is depicted. Although controversial in many ways, the statement is especially illustrative when it comes to the views of the traditional Bosnian Muslim elite of autonomist orientation on military subjects and actors of World War II.
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The history of The Great Patriotic War, which was the greatest test for Russia in the 20th century and whose 75th anniversary was celebrated in 2020, contains many topics that have not been well studied. One such topic is the activity of Russian folk crafts during wartime, among which the lacquered miniatures of Palekh, Mstyora, Kholui, and Fedoskino occupy a special place. This article provides one of the first complex studies of the economic, social, and artistic activities of all four centers of Russian lacquers during the war. In addition to information about the contribution of artists and residents of these villages to victory, the article reveals the main events and results of the development of Russian lacquer crafts during the war. These include exhibition activity and work of local art schools, the activities of artists in propaganda, and lacquered miniatures. Further, the article explores the state purchase orders and work of miniaturists for private purchases, the field of state regulation in folk art, and the loss of life suffered by villages. Special attention is paid to gender-related processes in Russian crafts, as well as support measures that the Soviet state provided to folk art during the war. The author concludes that the Great Patriotic War, despite losses and difficulties, became a time of development for the lacquer crafts in Russia, ensuring their subsequent development in the post-war years.
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Among those Poles deported to the USSR from the eastern provinces of Poland annexed by the USSR in 1939 were many families and children. The Sikorski–Mayski agreement, signed on 30 July 1941, opened the way for Poland and the USSR to resume diplomatic relations. The Embassy of the Republic of Poland set up agencies, so-called Delegations, whose mission was, among others, to implement decisions made by the Polish-Soviet commission. The commission provided welfare services for Poles, which included opening shelters, kindergartens, schools, and orphanages. Initially, from autumn of 1941 to summer 1942, the Soviet authorities supported the establishment of such educational care centers, although after July 1942, when the Polish delegations were dissolved, some of these were shut down, and Polish children were moved to Soviet schools and orphanages. This paper describes the situation of Polish orphanages in the USSR, especially in the Siberian region of the USSR and Kazakhstan. These educational care centers received aid from the Embassy of the Republic of Poland, located in Kuybyshev (Samara). However, they were also supported in the USSR by the Soviet authorities and Union of Polish Patriots (1943–1946), who helped Polish orphans. One such children’s home is the orphanage in Mala Minusa in Krasnoyarsk Krai. Thanks to its authorities, the Polish inmates of the orphanage, who broke away from their motherland during wartime to return there only after the end of the war, have not been forgotten.
More...Wstęp do germanizacji czy wyraz pragmatyzmu okupanta?
W artykule przedstawiono zmagania niemieckiej administracji Generalnego Gubernatorstwa z polskimi nazwami miejscowości. Polityka w zakresie ich zmian – dostosowania do umiejętności językowych niemieckich urzędników lub germanizowania, niebyła konsekwentna. Kompleksową próbę zmiany nazw – przede wszystkim miast – w GG podjęto dopiero w 1941 r., a w 1943 r. rozszerzono na dystrykt galicyjski. Ich zakres był jednak niewielki, co należy tłumaczyć oporami samej administracji GG oraz innych instytucji– m.in. Wehrmachtu. Chociaż ustalanie urzędowych nazw miejscowości generalny gubernator zastrzegł do swojej wyłącznej kompetencji, inicjatywę w tym zakresie przejmowali nieraz naczelnicy powiatów, samowolnie germanizując nazwy miast lub usuwając z nich polskie znaki diakrytyczne. The article presents the struggles of the German administration of the GeneralGovernment with Polish place names. The policy of changing them – adapting themto the language skills of German officials or germanising them – was not consistent.A comprehensive attempt to change the names – primarily those of cities – in the GeneralGovernment was made only in 1941, extended in 1943 to the Galician district. However,the scope was small, which should be explained by the resistance of the administration ofthe General Government and other institutions – including the Wehrmacht. Although theestablishment of official place names was reserved by the general governor to his exclusivejurisdiction, the initiative in this regard was often taken by the heads of districts, whoarbitrarily germanised the city names or removed Polish diacritics from them.
More...Polonizacja kulturowego oblicza miasta w pierwszych latach po zakończeniu drugiej wojny światowej
Po zakończeniu drugiej wojny światowej polonizacja Wrocławia stała się sprawą pierwszorzędnej wagi – zarówno z przyczyn politycznych, jak i psychospołecznych. Prezentowany tekst ma na celu wskazanie określonych tendencji w działaniach nastawionych na nadanie historycznej stolicy regionu dobitnie polskiego wyrazu. Koncentruje się na takich zjawiskach, jak degradacja przestrzeni miejskiej i zniszczenia tkanki architektonicznej, odgruzowywanie i odbudowa miasta, wydobywanie z obcego otoczenia kulturowego „piastowskich” świadectw polskości, usuwanie symboliki prusko-niemieckiej (zwłaszcza hitlerowskiej) oraz eksponowanie tradycji Kresów Wschodnich. Ramy dociekań wyznaczają dwa radykalne zwroty, które w ciągu kilku powojennych lat zdecydowały o kulturowym charakterze Wrocławia: pierwszy to włączenie miasta do Polski i przerwanie jego ciągłości rozwojowej w związku z całkowitą wymianą niemieckich mieszkańców na polskich, drugi to wprowadzenie w kraju komunistycznej, stalinowskiej ortodoksji, co przekreśliło szanse na wykreowanie niepowtarzalnej tożsamości metropolii – na podstawie przejętej materialnej spuścizny poniemieckiej i kultury polskiej – z mocno akcentowaną tradycją Kresów Wschodnich – wniesionej przez regionalną mozaikę polskich osadników. After the end of World War II, the polonisation of Wrocław became a matter ofprime importance – both for political and psychosocial reasons. This text aims to indicatespecific trends in action aimed at giving the historical capital of the region a distinctly Polishimage. It focuses on phenomena such as the degradation of urban space and the destructionof architectural tissue, removing rubble and reconstructing the city, extracting “Piast”testimonies of Polishness from a foreign cultural environment, removing Prussian-German(especially Nazi) symbolism and displaying the traditions of the Eastern Borderlands. Theframework of the research is marked by two radical turns which, over several post-war years,determined the cultural character of Wrocław: the first was the incorporation of the city intoPoland and the interruption of its developmental continuity via the complete replacementof German residents with Polish inhabitants, while the second involved the introductionof communist, Stalinist orthodoxy throughout the country, which thwarted any chances ofcreating a unique identity for this metropolis – on the basis of the acquired material heritageof post-German and Polish culture – with the strongly accentuated tradition of the EasternBorderlands imported by a regional mosaic of Polish settlers.
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This introduction summarises the rationale for this ‘national’ special issue devoted to the history of the Holocaust in the Bohemian lands. It discusses the legacy of the historian Miroslav Kárný and the historiographic pause and disorientation following his death in 2001. Before summarising the articles, it analyses the recent polarisation of historiographic debates with regard to the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia. It tackles disputes around the local, or Czech, entanglement in the persecution of Roma and Sinti and around comparisons with the genocide of Jews. It discusses the attacks on research that critically challenges common assumptions about Czech solidarity with Jews and the one-sided, top-down approach to the history of the Holocaust in the Protectorate.
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Scholars in various areas of Holocaust studies have long debated whether and how to use survivor testimony as evidence regarding past events. The debate becomes even more fraught when we ask whether testimony can serve as evidence of past subjective attitudes and emotional states. In this case study, I examine four narratives by a single survivor of the Terezín/ Theresienstadt Ghetto, František Miška, narratives that may help answer the question: Why did prisoners choose to engage in theatrical performances in the ghetto? I will begin by examining Miška’s 2006 testimony in the context of contemporary public discourses, and then by comparing his testimonies from 2006, 1997, 1963, and 1948. Ultimately, I will conclude that, in a longitudinal study, the most appropriate method for testing reliability may vary depending on the period being examined. A careful reconstruction of contemporary discourse is indispensable in using testimonies from the 1940s and 1960s as evidence. This study, however, reveals that the reliability of later testimonies is more effectively established by comparing narratives by the same survivor across time.
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The decade of 1940’s in Kolozsvár (RO: Cluj-Napoca) was the most significant period of the academic work of Gyula László (1910–1998), a prominent figure of the 20th century archaeology – his methodological innovations of the Hungarian archaeology being applied even today. His academic views were first composed at Kolozsvár and even though he kept on softening them, he stuck to these ideas throughout his life. His hypothesis including the one of the Hun-Hungarian relationship or the duo (multiple) conquest (Honfoglalás) are today supported by archaeogenetic researches, his methodology of cemetery analysis and his theory of archaeological ethnography are considered as a foundation in the scientific research. Present paper reviews Gyula László’s archaeological activity during the decade spent at Kolozsvár, which is not only of academic significance but also strictly related to Transylvanian Hungarian Science Policy aspirations after the Second Vienna Arbitration.
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Based on a wide range of textual and audiovisual sources, in Ukrainian, Russian, and German, from the war period and the postwar decades, the article offers the first systematic attempt to trace how, in September and October 1941, Ukrainians and other non-Jewish persons in German-occupied Kyiv thought about, and interacted with, the Holocaust. From a broad look that actively seeks out varieties – both in non-Jewish perceptions of Jews, and in behavior related to them, it emerges that there were cases of non-German involvement in persecution and murder, and that many locals had antisemitic sentiments, with varying degrees of intensity. At the same time, however, no evidence is found that in the weeks under study, large numbers of Kyivans actively supported, in word or deed, the persecution and murder of Kyiv’s Jews, be it at Babyn Yar or elsewhere in the city. These findings support the notion that there was a major difference in the stances of non-Jewish residents towards Jews east and west of the former Molotov-Ribbentrop line.
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While there has been vigorous debate between “intentionalists” and “functionalists” regarding events elsewhere in Europe, there is no doubt regarding the intentionality of the Romanian State in favor of a complete ethnic cleansing of Jews from Bessarabia. One result of this consistency of intent was that the progressive stages of the “cleansing” process – from killing immediately on encounter, to the concentration of Jews in camps and ghettos, to deportation - all produced massive degradation and death. Every stage of the process is well documented, as one might expect in regard to a high priority project of a military dictatorship. Tens of thousands of Bessarabian Jews were murdered. Tens of thousands more were deported to Transnistria. Only a tiny remnant survived. No other Romanian province suffered anything proportionally comparable to the losses inflicted on the Jews of Bessarabia under Romanian rule during the Holocaust.
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The trials of the war criminals involved in the Iași Pogrom were part of the general trend,at the end of World War II, to punish those who had killed civilians during the conflagration,in order to prevent further massacres in future wars. Romania was among the countries committed, through the convention with the United Nations, to punish the perpetrators. A legal framework in accordance with the Romanian legislation and with the principles established at the end of the war was adopted for this purpose. Adopting legislation and its implementation was a cumbersome process, meaning that repeated changes and adjustments were needed. The most important trial, that of the Iași Pogrom, took place almost four years after the beginning of the investigations. It was followed by other trials, soon after. The communist authorities tried to turn the trials into an ideological construct through mediacoverage, which was speculated by those who claimed the trials were politicized. In reality,those convicted for the crimes were proven guilty in court, and those in power were forced to accept the extension of investigations and convictions to others, based on the victims’ testimonies. The delay in the trials was a factor for the large number of people who escaped conviction, while the adoption of decree no. 421/1955 entailed the release of a large number of convicted persons, before the end of their sentence. The profile of convicted persons can be outlined from the victims’ statements. Not only employees of state institutions took part in the Pogrom, but neighbors, friends, co-workers, etc. In the case of certain categories, thenumber of convictions was higher than in others. This was due to the fact that local perpetrators were easier to identify, while others had a special status, mainly the military.
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Already during the Hungarian military administration of the fall of 1940, by coarse methods,in many settlements, the Northern Transylvanian Jews were forced to leave for Romania, and where this was not possible, due to the resistance of the Jewish communities, they were gathered and thrown into Soviet territory. The first forced deportations affected the Bistriţa Năsăud, Sătmar, Maramureş, and Szekler counties, but later, in 1941 and 1942, they covered practically the entire territory of Northern Transylvania. Under various pretexts, some were deported because they were too poor, and others because they lived in a better condition and their workshops, businesses, flats, and chattels were cast by local Hungarians or “paratroopers” who arrived from Hungary. The vast majority of the deportees became victims of the ghettos and mass murders in Galicia and Podolia, survived by very few of them. Based on press and archival materials from Hungary, Romania, and the West, I would like to summarize what happened, to present the nature and the extent of these actions, the memory of these deportations, as well as to describe the post-war fate of some war crime perpetrators.
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Review of: Prof. dr Izet Šabotić, Tvrda kora i krvave brazde: Agrarna reforma i kolonizacija u Bosni i Hercegovini od 1945. do 1948. godine, Centar za istraživanje moderne i savremene historije Tuzla, Tuzla 2021.
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The situation during the years 1941-1946 was particularly complex, a period in which the Romanian Army participated in military operations, both in the Eastern campaign against the Russian Army and in the Western campaign against the German Army, which we were allied to for a while. For the leadership and coordination of military actions, the existing Romanian commands, or those established according to current needs, cooperated closely with both the German and as well as the Russian ones from the moment we turned our weapons against the Germans. During both campaigns, the structures within the Romanian commands were some newly established and others organized and reorganized according to the needs required by the current situation. Among these structures, there are those of military engineering, who led and coordinated all specific activities. In this study I aimed to identify the organization and role of military engineering structures, within the Romanian commands, in leading and coordinating engineering actions during 1941-1946, in order to make later, in another study, a comparative analysis with the military engineering structures of the Romanian Army existing at this date.
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The author presents the processed original archival data on the public-health-related and sociological problems concerning one hundred children – war refugees from the Potkozarje area, who were moved to Bjelovar and the Bjelovar area between the summer of 1942 and 1943, accompanied by the events in the publicist writing and war documentation of that time. The paper will fill the void or offer a solution in the context of doubts concerning the events having taken place during World War Two, and the care for a large number of children at the State Hospital in Bjelovar, where the scarce staff of physicians and sisters of mercy were commendably conducting their mission in difficult wartime and other social and political circumstances.
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The situation during the years 1941-1946 was particularly complex, a period in which the Romanian Army participated in military operations, both in the Eastern campaign against the Russian Army and in the Western campaign against the German Army, which was allied to us for a time. For the leadership and coordination of military actions, the existing Romanian commands, or those established according to current needs, cooperated closely with both the German and as well as the Russian ones from the moment we turned our weapons against the Germans. During both campaigns, the structures within the Romanian commands were some newly established and others organized and reorganized according to the needs required by the current situation. Among these structures, there are those of military engineering, who led and coordinated all specific activities. In this study I aimed to identify the organization and role of military engineering structures, within the Romanian commands, in leading and coordinating engineering actions during 1941-1946, in order to make later, in another study, a comparative analysis with the military engineering structures of the Romanian Army existing at this date.
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