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This article examines the pro-Kremlin youth movement Nashi (2005-2012) – the hitherto largest youth organization since the Soviet-era Komsomol – in order to elucidate the background of changes that have appeared in the Kremlin’s symbolic politics since 2012. Nashi’s disappearance from Russia’s political scene by the summer of 2012 can be seen as an elementary part of the crisis that the Kremlin faced with the largescale protests that shook Russia’s major cities in the winter of 2011/2012. However, Nashi’s negative image did not fi rst appear in Russia with Putin’s decreased popularity and the beginning of the large-scale protests; rather, such a negative image has been manifested throughout the existence of pro-Kremlin youth formations supporting Putin’s political leadership, before and after Nashi. Rather than demonstrating a wellplanned and calculated insistence on patriotism and moral conservatism, the history of the whole pro-Putin youth movement indicates that it has continuously struggled with its public image ever since its idol, President Putin, appeared in Russia’s political arena. By focusing on Nashi’s online writings as its major voice, the author exemplifies the basic and unsolved dilemma of governmental mobilization – the tension between didactics and stimulation – that is crystallized in the movement’s political communication. After that, in a short excursion on Nashi’s successor, the project Set’, the author’s aim is to pinpoint how the ‘exit’ from Nashi’s communicative dilemma, in line with the Kremlin’s symbolic politics since 2012, appears as a proliferation of Putin’s personality.
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This article discusses the role of history and language for the country of Belarus, which is on the border of Western and Eastern ideological systems. The content is based on observation and discussions with individuals during the time-period 2003– 2014. The aim of this article is to sociologically present a model which illustrates how post-Soviet authoritarian systems control time and space symbolically to recreate an ideological design that allows an authoritarian regime to maintain power through the use of the Soviet Symbolic framework. This model, based on the example of discussions with Belarusans, is applicable as a comparative tool to understand the processes taking place in the Ukraine and also in Russia. The argument in this article integrates history, systems of state ideology and identity formation on the border of two cultural civilizations. Comparative examples concerning the conflict with Russia and the Ukraine are used to apply the theoretical model based on current changes and events in the regional macro-infrastructure offering a sociological take on the link between historical and contemporary social and cultural changes in this region.
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Nad Europom je ovog ljeta sigurno puhao vjetar ludila. S obzirom na dugu europsku povijest, naime, po čemu ćemo pamtiti ovo ljeto 2014. što ga je zapravo, tresao val neviđenog antisemitizma? Svakako, do sad se ovako jasno nisu pokazivali ti simptomi mržnje prema sebi, koja već nekoliko desetljeća izaziva gangrenu Starog kontinenta, a otkako smo ušli u XXI. sto ljeće, čini se da patologija neizbježno postaje sve ozbiljnija.
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In the context of professional dance culture, the word “classical” means the ballet repertory that was formed in the end of the 19 century in the most prestigious European theatres – first of all in the Mariinsky Theatre in Saint Petersburg and Grand Opéra in Paris. The heritage of classical ballets is mostly associated with the name of Marius Petipa who created a number of ballets which have been produced, renewed and interpreted until nowadays. In the second half of the 20th century, also the Lithuanian ballet repertory included these productions. Most often produced were all three ballets of Pyotr Tchaikovsky – “Swan Lake”, “The Sleeping Beauty” and “Nutcracker”, also “Giselle” by Adolphe Adam and “Don Quixote” by Ludwig Minkus. Other ballets from the classical heritage – “Esmeralda” by Cesare Pugni and “Coppelia” by Léo Delibes – were produced as well. In the first decades after the Second World War, choreographers were trying to interpret the dramaturgy of classical ballets, adding some new ideas to the plot of the performance and new choreographical episodes to its form (“Giselle” and “Esmeralda” by Vytautas Grivickas). At the same time, other choreographers were following the traditional structure of classical ballet, mostly connected with the Moscow or Saint Petersburg productions (“Corsaire” and “Nutcracker” by Bronius Kelbauskas). The choreographer Elegijus Bukaitis produced a completely new version of “Nutcracker” in 1973, stressing the themes of E. T. A. Hoffmann, but his productions of “Swan Lake” and “Giselle” were connected with the tradition of these ballets coined in Leningrad. Vytautas Brazdylis produced “Don Quixote” on the basis of the choreography of Marius Petipa and Alexander Gorsky and at the same time created a completely original choreographical form for “Coppelia”. V. Brazdylis was the last Lithuanian choreographer interested in the reconstruction and interpretation of ballets from the classical heritage; in the end of the period, this field was taken over by the choreographers from Russia.
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This article explores the concept of peace, the conditions necessary for its effective and sustainable implementation, and outlines the latest peace plan for Syria adopted by the United Nations Security Council in December 2015. It indicates that the success of the peace process can be ensured by the participation of civil society, especially women. Recent research increasingly emphasizes the importance of women in the peace-building process. In addition, the sustainability of the peace agreement can be ensured by sentencing those responsible for the most serious international crimes and investing in the construction of efficient democratic institutions that will prevent the collapse of the state.
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The article offers the author's technique of sociological diagnostics. The conclusion about contradictory social and professional well-being of teachers of the Ivanovo region is drawn on the basis of sociological research data. Calculated are the separate and total indexes of social well-being of the teachers of the regional center, the small towns and rural areas. The need for monitoring the situation is emphasized.
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The article analyzes the projects of change Law on Assemblies, presented by the President. The analysis concerned the proposal to prohibit people, who cannot be identified, to participate in the assemblies. The projects were analyzed for the fulfillment of the conditions of limiting constitutional rights and freedoms of man and citizen. Following an analysis of the judgment of the Constitutional Court in 2004 and projects from 2011 and 2013, author stood by the position that the proposed prohibition is a restriction too far interfering to the freedom of assembly.
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The article investigates changes in the religious sphere of Ukraine since the beginning of the military conflict in Donetsk and Luhansk regions. The use of religious rhetoric to justify the annexation of the Crimea and to invade part of the Ukrainian territory has caused a serious shift in the religious self-identification of a considerable number of Ukrainians. These changes are manifested at several levels. On the personal level there was the reorientation of the most faithful to the pro-Ukrainian religious organizations or to the rejection of religion in general. At the institutional level there was an ambivalent effect. On the one hand, it triggered a series of parish conversions that caused new religious conflicts. On the other hand, it intensified the search for ways to consolidate Ukrainian churches. All these changes put on the agenda of Ukraine several challenges related to the defence of religious rights and freedom and defence of national security. The article is based on various sources produced by churches and their leaders, latest sociological data, and reports of human rights organizations and religious studies institutions.
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The aim of the article is to present the public discourse on the presence of a cross in the Polish parliament, which began after the parliamentary elections in 2011. At this time a group of the party Ruch Poparcia Palikota (RPP) submitted to the Marshal of the Sejm a request for its removal from the chamber. The article presents selected topics from the debate, focusing mainly on the arguments presented in the proposal and expertise of the Parliamentary Research Bureau and the arguments formulated in “Gazeta Wyborcza” newspaper, where they are presented as a continuation of the debate only initiated in the parliament, and then transferred to the media. Parliamentary debate took place only in one area – the political rivalry between the parties – while in the media appeared topics initiated by other institutions than the parties, i.e. educational institutions, public administration institutions and private individuals.
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Analyzing the political and social crisis in Republic of Macedonia beyond the surface of events, one could outline three important layers that engender and determine its genesis and evolution.
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The article presents the results of field studies carried out in the Bieszczady (2015) during which I was concerned with the alternative culture(s) of the 70s and the 80s. Within my research interests three main themes can be identified: history of the punk movement and the hippie movement in the Bieszczady Mountains and recognition of the „zakapior” as a rebel and outsider. During my stay in the field I tried to get from the subjects their definitions and views on the nature of the rebellion, as well as learn how the events associated with these phenomena have been preserved in the memory of their participants.
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This paper deals with the representation of ethnic minorities in the media, focusing mainly on the role of the journalist. It approaches news stories through the prism of the media construction of reality and the cultural concept of representation. Using critical discourse analysis, the study describes the nature of the social reality constructed by the TV news series “Where Others Fear to Tread.” The paper reflects the general attributes of the representation of the Roma minority in the news, pointing out methods and signs used for emphasizing the stereotypes shared by the majority. The analysis shows that the media discourse of news stories could potentially confirm prejudices towards the Roma minority, forming the image of Roma people as essentially maladjusted, dangerous and suspicious individuals.
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Article is to draw attention to the actions of the United States in the area of the Ukrainian state as a geopolitical game aimed at consolidating regionalności Russia and its influence in Europe. It should be emphasized that Washington's action in Ukraine is characterized primarily by avoiding being a direct party to the rivalry with Russia. Typically it uses in these activities, and environmental pro-Western organizations and countries of Eastern Central Europe as initiators of certain political movements, with the intended independence of Ukraine from Moscow's influence.
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Turkish Commercial Code No. 6762, which remained in force for over 55 years, has provided for the development of commercial activity in a specific order. However, Turkish Commercial Code was insufficient to cover the current needs in the face of major changes occurring in the economic and trade life of Turkey and the rest of the world. This situation certainly gave rise to the need for preparation and implementation of an update commercial code. For this purpose, the New Turkish Commercial Code No. 6102 (New TCC) entered into force on July 1, 2012. Code No. 6335, as a 50 articles revision package, entered into force in conjunction with the New TCC published in Official Gazette No. 28339, dated June 30, 2012 in order to prevent problems that might arise in practice and to facilitate adaptation of legislation before effective date of the New TCC. In this study, the radical innovations and regulations on the order of entry of commercial books and financial reporting issues under the Code No. 6102, which also includes the changes of Code No. 6335, were examined and evaluated.
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The article discusses the current state of terminology in Lithuania, presents terminological research carried out in the last five years, analyses ways of Lithuanian terminology management, and briefly overviews terminological education and teaching in Lithuania. Lithuanian terminological research is mostly carried out at the Institute of the Lithuanian Language and at universities and other research institutes. The largest part of terminological research is carried out at the Centre of Terminology of the Institute of the Lithuanian Language, which researches Lithuanian terminology and terminography, analyses the use of Lithuanian terminology in different fields. Three ways of terminology management are discussed: terminography, creation of term banks and databases and standardisation of terms. The number of term dictionaries published in Lithuania is rather considerable – over 600. The most productive period for publishing term dictionaries is from 1990 up to date. Between 1990–2013 more than 420 term dictionaries and special encyclopaedias were published.
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The cooperation of industrial enterprises influences the improvement of competitive position of enterprises. The main objective of the study is to attempt to determine the impact of distance and the relationship between the participants in the supply chain on innovative cooperation between industrial companies from the Polish east in 2010– 2012. The second objective of this article is to compare conditions influencing on the innovation cooperation between industrial enterprises from Poland eastern and western. The empirical data, based on which the computations were performed and then interpreted the results obtained from industrial enterprises using a survey questionnaire. The survey questionnaire was sent to industrial companies from the four province: Warmińsko- Mazurskie, Podlaskie, Lubelskie and Podkarpackie. The analysis is static and covers the years 2010– 2012.
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The aim of the paper is to present the specificity of quality as a competitiveness tool in higher education sector. Moreover author tests hypotheses, assuming growing importance of quality in the management of the university. Article’s objective has been achieved through the study of literature and interviews, which were conducted with 16 persons responsible for the management of the education process in different universities.
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