STRATEGIJA VELIKIH PROJEKATA ZA OČUVANJE BAŠTINE

Author(s): Amir Pašić / Language(s): Bosnian Issue: 59-60/2014

Ovaj tekst se bavi pitanjem važnosti arhitekture kao simbola vjerske tolerancije, posebno tokom političkih turbulencija u 20. stoljeću. Crna Gora, u središtu Balkanskog poluostrva, dijeli prošlost sa susjednim zemljama od ilirske, rirmske dominacije, od podjele Rimskog carstva, slovenske dominacije, da bi od 17. stoljeća, kada je zemlja postala zapadna granica islama, bila u punom kontaktu sa Zapadnom Evropom, prvo sa Venecijom a kasnije sa Austro-Ugarskom. Osmanski Turci su doveli islam u petnaestom stoljeću i ovdje je ostao dominantno prisutan do 1912.

PRILOG UTICAJU MULTIKULTURALNOSTI NA DRUŠTVENO-EKONOMSKO BLAGOSTANJE OSMANLIJSKIH GRADOVA

Author(s): Osman KÖKSAL / Language(s): Bosnian Issue: 59-60/2014

Kao što je poznato ova i iduća godina biće obilježena održavanjem skupova u Turskoj i balkanskim zemljama, vezanim za Osmanlijsku državu i Balkansku istoriju, koji su uglavnom bili, jesu i biće organizovani pod naslovom “Stogodišnjica Balkanskih ratova” što je pritom i glavni povod. Autor je jako zahvalan organizatorima skupa što će umjesto elaboracije na temu ratova, čija se stogodišnjica obilježava, moći da ponudi rad zasnovan na razrađivanju naravi, kvaliteta, funkcionisanja i posljedica četiri do petvjekovnog Osmanlijskog prisustva na Poluostrvu, čime bi faktički mogao da iznese ovu tačku gledišta kao podjednako važnu u poređenju s ostalim naslovima. U životu socijalnih grupa i država, mir je, zaista, najvažniji. Ratovi koji ispunjavaju stranice historije su izuzetak, i uglavnom instrumenat za kojim se poseže u cilju postizanja mira.

TRADICIONALNA SEOSKA ARHITEKTURA OSMANSKOG DOBA U GORNJIM MURIĆIMA

Author(s): Mitja Guštin / Language(s): Bosnian Issue: 59-60/2014

Na obroncima Rumije iznad Skadarskog jezera ima više katoličkih i muslimanskih sela sa očuvanom tradicionalnom arhitekturom. U Gornjim Murićima dokumentovana su dva gazdinstva, izgradnja kojih je završena najkasnije u drugoj polovini 18. vijeka.

OSOBENOSTI PISANOG KULTURNO-HISTORIJSKOG NASLIJEĐA OSMANSKE PROVINIJENCIJE, SA AKCENTOM NA BOSNU I HERCEGOVINU

Author(s): Azem Kožar / Language(s): Bosnian Issue: 59-60/2014

Shvatajući naučni skup „100 godina od odlaska Osmanlija sa Balkana, Civilizacija ili okupacija? Šta su nam ostavili?“, kao civilizacijsku potrebu, prepoznatu na širem balkanskom – posebno južnoslavenskom prostoru, da se analizira potreba za adekvatnom (cjelovitom i zajedničkom) valorizacijom kulturnih dobara osmanske provenijencije, ne samo kao historijskih izvora što bi se na prvi pogled moglo zaključiti, već sa jednog šireg konteksta koji podrazumijeva kulturološku, historiografsku, književnu, umjetničku i svaku drugu dimenziju, promišljanja autora ovog priloga su svjesno usmjerena na neka opća pitanja koja se tiču jednog dijela tog naslijeđa – a to je pisano pokretno kulturnohistorijsko naslijeđe. U fokusu interesovanja našla su se dva aspekta pokretnog kulturno- historijskog naslijeđa osmanske provenijencije: pitanje njegove zaštite i pitanje njegove valorizacije. O svakom od njih autor iznosi svoja originalna promišljanja, koja obuhvataju teoretsku i pragmatičnu stranu civilizacijske potrebe da se prije svega osigura njegova adekvatna zaštita, te da se učini dostupnim za korišćenje u kulturne, naučne i druge svrhe.

ZAVIJE I TEKIJE U SARAJEVU

Author(s): Hatice Oruç / Language(s): Bosnian Issue: 59-60/2014

Riječ zavija je arapskog porijekla. Ona je izvedena iz korijena „z - wy” što u prevodu znači zabraniti, sabrati. Ova riječ se koristi još i u značenju ugao, kut. U historiografiji, pri samom pomenu riječi zavija podrazumijevaju se objekti ili kompleksi objekata u naseljima ili na prometnicama, u kojima su pripadnici bilo kojeg tarikata, derviši živjeli pod vodstvom šejha i gdje su putnici-namjernici mogli dobiti hranu i konačište. Od X. stoljeća zavija egzistira kao vjerska, duhovna institucija, a nazivana je i hanikah ili hangah, savma’a, ribat, asitane, tekija, te dergah.2 Međutim, kada se podrobnije pogleda, uviđa se da su hanikahom nazivani oni objekti u koje su se povlačili derviši - iskušenici, a ribatima oni vjerski i vojni objekti koji su se nalazili u pograničnim područjima. U zavijama i tekijama se živjelo prema mističkim učenjima pojedinih tarikata, a na čelu su se nalazili šejhovi koji su birani između uglednih sljedbenika tarikata. Šejha koji je trebao biti imenovan u mevlevijskim i bektašijskim tekijama centralnim osmanskim vlastima predlagao je šejh centralne tekije tog tarikata.

RAZVOJ ARHITEKTONSKE TEORIJE I PRAKSE NA PROSTORIMA BALKANA U DOBA OTOMANSKE IMPERIJE U OBLASTI INDIVIDUALNOG STANOVANJA I ORGANIZACIJI I UREĐENJU NASELJA

Author(s): Sahret Hajdarpašić / Language(s): Bosnian Issue: 59-60/2014

Savremeni socium Balkana, uključujući i postjugoslovenski prostor, karakteriše se stanjem prelaznosti, radikalne smjene vrijedonosnih orijentira, drobljenjem životnog prostora na mnoštvo samodovoljnih podcjelina. Ne tako slučajno, poslednjih godina govorimo o postjugoslovenskom prostoru, pri tom ne misleći samo na geografske odrednice tog prostora, već više na kulturno-psihološke faktore i zajedničke imenitelje. Jedan dobar dio ovih faktora i imenitelja nastao je u doba vladavine Osmanskog carstva na ovim prostorima.

ÇAR İKİNCİ NİKOLA DÖNEMİNDE RUSYA’NIN BALKAN SİYASETİ VE BATI KARŞISINDA DÖNÜŞEN OSMANLI

Author(s): Bayram Bayrakdar / Language(s): Turkish Issue: 63-64/2014

In this presentation it will be discussioned that, in the turn of the 19 and 20th century, the Great Game which made between western Great Powers and Russia on Balkans to decline Turkish empire.

GRČKI POGLEDI NA OSMANSKU IMPERIJU U 19. VIJEKU

Author(s): Dalibor Jovanovski / Language(s): Bosnian Issue: 63-64/2014

Cilj mog članka je da pokažem, u kraćim crtama, kako su Grci, tu mislim na intelektualce koji su živjeli u okvirima Kraljevine Grčke, gledali na Osmansko carstvo u 19. vijeku. U okviru ovog teksta neću analizirati poglede osmanskih Grka na njihovu državu – Osmansko carstvo. Njihovi stavovi i pogledi se razlikuju od onih takozvanih „slobodnih“ Grka. Cilj analize su knjige poznatijih grčkih intelektualaca, udžbenici za istoriju i geografiju, memoari nekih učesnika grčke borbe za nezavisnost, neke ideje za balkansku federaciju i, nešto što je bilo vrlo rijetko, ideje o saradnji sa Osmanlijama.

THE GENERAL CHARACTERISTICS OF TURKISH PRESENCE IN THE BALKANS

Author(s): Cezmi ERASLAN / Language(s): English Issue: 63-64/2014

During the founding period, Ottoman State had virtually south European character. Even before achieving the unity of Anatolian Principalities, Ottoman State was considered as a dominant power in the Balkans. It is accepted that the existence of social, political and administrative problems in the Balkan peninsula were the most important reasons which made the Ottoman presence permanent in the region. Nevertheless what was more important for the Ottoman presence in the Balkans was the logic of Ottoman administration which aimed at protecting the regular people and taking care of their problems.

KARADAĞ DEVLETİ’NİN DOĞUŞUNDA BÜYÜK GÜÇLERİN ROLÜ (1850-1875)

Author(s): Zafer Gölen / Language(s): Turkish Issue: 63-64/2014

The attitude of Montenegro against Ottoman Government after 1697 has always been a subject of argument; however, it was only an internal security issue until 1850s. When Vladika Danila came to power in 1851, in less than no time, Montenegro issue got out of Ottoman Goventment’s control and became an international problem. The road map destined for the independence of Montenegro, which was planned in 1852 at Petersburg, was carried out for 25 years without exception and was completed in 1878 with Berlin Treaty. After 1852, the relations between Ottoman and Montenegro were carried out mostly under supervision of England, France, Russia, Austria-Hungary and Prussia, which were named as Düvel-i Muazzama by the Ottomans. The very first time the Ottoman Government realized Montenegro was not alone was during the military operation on 1853. Ottoman operation was stopped and the soldiers were retracted with Austrian intervention. Later on, Montenegro became an issue during the Paris Congress which was gathered to end the Crimean War, although Montenegro was not a part of it. During the congress, Ottoman delegate was forced to express that they were courteous to Montenegro’s existing borders. After 1856, France supported Montenegro.

ULCINJSKI GUSARI KAO MEĐUNARODNI PROBLEM NA JADRANU

Author(s): Birol CETIN,Mustafa Canka / Language(s): Bosnian Issue: 63-64/2014

Gusarstvo je na Jadranu staro koliko i istorija. Po gusarenju su bili ponati i Iliri. Od početka novog vijeka, kako navodi hrvatski povjesničar Milan Šuflaj, duggenott (Ulcinjanin) je u kalabreškom govoru sinonim za gusara!? Na Jadranu je uvijek gusario ko je mogao. Gusarenje na ivici piraterije je običaj, ono što se radi na moru, usanza del mare. Čim se rat odloži, zamjenjuju ga gusarenje na moru i razbojništvo na kopnu, koji zauzimaju prazan prostor kao što visoka šuma kada se posiječe ostavlja mjesto makiji. Gusarenje se uz redovnu trgovinu, smatralo za izdašno vrelo dohodaka i bogaćenja, pa se posvuda prakticiralo kao kakva norma. Pomorska trgovina donosi izvjestan prosperitet, dok samo privilegovana i krijumčarska može donijeti veliku akumulaciju i blagostanje.

PITANJE GRANICA IZMEĐU CRNE GORE I OSMANSKOG CARSTVA KRAJEM XIX I POČETKOM XX VIJEKA

Author(s): Ivan Tepavčević / Language(s): Bosnian Issue: 63-64/2014

Granica je čudni prostor koji se nalazi „između” stvari, prostor koji spajajući razdvaja, ili možda razdvajajući spaja ljude, kulture, identitete, stvari, prostore koji se međusobno razlikuju.1 Granice i međe imaju veze s izmjenom našeg stvarnog pejzaža, one mijenjaju teritoriju koju fizički zauzimamo i na kojoj živimo. One duboko utiču na naše identitete, više ili manje autentične. Na granicu treba da gledamo kao na prostor, a ne samo kao na „crtu” koja prostor utvrđuje. Granica je jedna od najčudnijih i najapstraktnijih pojava. Razlog je razdvajanja, sporova i teritorijalnih pretenzija, mržnje i netolerancije, razaranja, smrti, i u njihovo se ime vrše i njima opravdavaju najsuroviji zločini.2 Rječnik Devoto-Oli granicu definiše kao „prirodno ili vještački određenu liniju koja obilježava prostiranje neke teritorije, ili nekog imanja, ili suverenost jedne države. Kamen, ram, ograda koja odvaja jedno imanje od onog susjednog. Granica, kraj: beskrajno, neograničeno”.

Between Destiny and Reality: Prophetic and Messianic Ideological Constructions in Serbian Literature During the Ottoman Period

Author(s): Paweł Dziadul / Language(s): English Issue: 53/2016

This paper deals with prophetic and messianic ideological constructions found in Serbian literature of the Ottoman period. Prophetic accounts developed in two connected directions among the Serbs in this period. On the one hand, old Byzantine-Slavonic prophetic narratives (for example the Revelation of Pseudo-Methodius, the apocryphal Visions of Daniel, the Oracles of Leo the Wise) were copied and actualized according to the politico-historical context. On the other, new anti-Ottoman and anti-Islamic prophetic accounts were created. Serbian and South-Slavonic prophetic notions were mostly concentrated on the impending doom of the Ottoman Empire and the legendary emperor of the “last times”, who was supposed to vanquish the Ottomans. Moreover, the Serbs tried to understand the new historical context of the Ottoman period and perceive it through the theological prism. Therefore they started creating a suitable messianic perspective of their destiny with the help of old, well-known ideas from the Nemanjić period (for example the idea of “new Israel”). Both prophetic and messianic ideological constructions seemed to be consoling ideas, which were created to highlight the memory of the magnificent past in the dramatic period of the Ottoman conquest and domination.

Civil Society and State in Turkey

Author(s): Ahmet Sanverdi / Language(s): English Issue: 34/2017

Civil society is supposed to be an arena of (at least) potential freedom outside the state, a space for autonomy, voluntary association and durability or even conflict, guaranteed by the kind of formal democracy and law as it has evolved in the West and become a phenomenon around the World in recent decades. The aim of this article is to examine the state-society relations in Turkey. However, studying a western concept in a non-western society is a difficult task. This is because, in the case of Turkey, first one has to clarify the concept, which emerged and developed in a different environment and through an historical experience, which Turkey did not share with West. This is important to overcome any possible misunderstanding around the concept. In Turkey, the concept of civil society is misunderstood one. Many, including the sate apparatuses, some part of Turkish public and elite alike, think that it is just the opposite of a “military society”. However, the meaning of the concept is related to “city life and culture”. It represents “rights and responsibilities” emerging with the rise of the cities. I will try to clarify the concept itself then I will continue elaborate the existence of the civil society in Turkey. As civil society does not exist in Turkey, in the western sense, one can search for civil societal elements in the society. Therefore my aim in studying civil society and the relations between civil society and state relations in Turkey is to discuss the process of the transformation of society and the state apparatus towards more democratic forms where the state is still predominant but not the actual civil society in a western sense.

Disa të dhëna arkivore për familjet mesjetare Gjinaj nga Novobërda dhe familjen fisnike të Jashar Pashë Ginollit si pasardhëse e tyre

Author(s): Ilijaz Rexha / Language(s): Albanian Issue: 46/2016

In the first part of this work are elaborated general information about the extent of households with patronymic Gjini who had managed to preserve it during the medieval Slavic and Ottoman reign. In the second half, shall present some archival data and historical sources that speak of the genesis, branching and activity of the noble family of Eric Jashar Pashë Gjinolli, that are believed than his origin derived from one of two noble families of medieval Christian Albanian catholic confession from Nova Brdo, bearing the patronym Gjini. It determined that the autochthonous of families and Albanian population clearly show the dopamine’s that have been created as medieval settlements with appellations of Albanian brotherhoods, such as: Muzaq, (year 1318), Shen Gjinova, Gjonça, Gjinofc, Spanaj, Mzrekaj, Leshofc, Tanush, Kastrat, Plaakiç, etc., that all were in the area of– Toplica, Prokuje Kushumli, Leskofc, Vrannje and Nova Brdo. Settlements that existed before the invasion of Kosovo by Slavs, well before the 13th century, when it was still under the Byzantine Rule. The first noble families of Gjinaj are first mentioned in Nova Brdo, then first we are referring to a document of Dubrovnik archive, which dates from 1382, we find the first evidence of this family trail, stating that: Dhimiter Dronçi and Presbitër Gjini son of Gjergji, from Novobërda had debt to Jak Gunduliq 25 golden ducat. In another document of the year 1398, the widow of Prince Lazar, Countess Milica sends a letter to Dubrovnik, which bears a person's name called Gjergjashi, Customs inspector from Nova Brdo, in her service. Albanian shape name, shows clearly that he was Albanian, and this fact is proved by his brother which is mentioned also in the document as Ghincho (Gjin) Nicholich de Nouaberda fradelidel Gergas. (Gjin Nikolla brother of Gjergjash), from a noble family from Nova Brdo.

Kontributi i elitës shqiptare gjatë vitit 1912 sipas disa burimeve të kohës

Author(s): Ilirjana Kaceli / Language(s): Albanian Issue: 46/2016

The 1912 was as critical a year for the Albanian people in Albania and Kosovo, as it was for the Ottoman state. On one hand, the Albanians addressed their efforts, rallies and insurgencies against the Turkish government. On the other hand, the Ottoman parliament and the Sublime Porte undertook violent behaviour and measures to answer them. The new elections were ruled with "a rod of iron", which limited the democratic rights and resulted in having MPs only from the "Union and Progress" Party. Such results prompted the Albanians from all the regions to take action and organize a nationwide uprising. In May, the uprising had spread throughout Kosovo as well. The uprising culminated with the Assembly of Junik made by fay and an overall program for the Albanian insurgency was drafted. The uprising, then, spread in all parts of northern and southern Albania. Later, the insurgents were joined by Albanian soldiers who had deserted the Ottoman army. Ottoman parliament debates and discussions were tough throughout 1912. The general Albanian uprising led the Ottoman government on a cul-de-sac. Such aggravated was the situation in Albania and that overwhelming were the debates in the Ottoman Parliament, that led to the fall of the government of Said Pasha. The Sultan would then order Gazi Ahmet Muhtar Pasha to create a new government which would oppose the unionists. Instead of seeking a military solution, Gazi Ahmet Muhtar Pasha directed the government to an agreement that would be reached through negotiations with the rebel Albanians. This act would give a heavy blow to the group "Bashkim e Përparim" otherwise referred to as "Union and Progress" (CUP) and will strengthen the position of Gazi Ahmet Muhtar Pasha’s cabinet. The proliferation of the uprisings in Albania made the Ottoman Government seek ways out to determine the situation in the region, but originally getting to know the requirements of the inhabitants of the region. On July 17, 1912, the Chamber of Deputies (Meclisi Mebusan) assigned the Commission of Inquiry the task to go and verify the events and launch talks with rebel Albanians. Talks started on in Pristine, on August 2, 1912. Hasan Prishtina,who presented demands for autonomy to the President of Ottoman parliament delegation Suleiman Pasha, would chair the talks for the Albanians. The Government Commission repudiated the demands, the talks broke down acrimoniously and Albanian leaders addressed the liberated city of Ferizaj. The parliament in Istanbul was dissolved and the Sublime Porte appointed General Ibrahim Pasha to start talks over. On August 9, 1912, Ibrahim Pasha met with the leaders of the uprising in Kosovo. Hasan Bey Prishtina presented him a memorandum with fourteen demands made by the insurgents. Hasan Prishtina demands represented the will of all Albanians, and such authorization was issued by the representative committees of central and southern Albania. Albeit the autonomy was not directly asked, if these demands were accepted, the autonomy of Albania would be de facto declared. Being at the verge of the Albanian insurgency further expansion, the government of Muhtar Pasha accepted verbally the demands of the Albanians with some amends on August 18, 1912. Although the 14 points acknowledged by the Ottoman government sanctioned no recognition of autonomy, the Albanians began to give a broader understanding to the granted concessions and made efforts to fulfill their aim: the self-governing. In some areas in Kosovo, efforts were made to establish the Albanian administration. The population expelled Ottoman officials and appointed Albanians in their place. The end of the uprising, the liberation of Skopje, and Ottoman-Albanian talks in Pristine brought about major concerns to the Balkan governments. This led to the intensification of diplomatic strategies, secret alliances between Balkan countries, and in the acceleration of preparations to attack the Ottoman Empire. On October 8, 1912, the Balkan War broke out. The allied Balkan states sequentially declared war on the Ottoman Empire. With the outbreak of the Balkan War, when the Ottoman rule in the Balkans was ending and Balkan armies had conquered most of the Albanian territories, leaders and activists of the National Movement filed an urgent task: Albania final secession from the Ottoman Empire. The matter of the country’s fate grew more and more serious, the attitude and the means to secure Albania from the catastrophic situation that was threatening the Empire were the focal issue. On his way to home, Ismail Kemal and the delegation accompanying him stopped in Trieste, where they sent telegrams to and from every corner of Albania. Albanians responded to the call of Ismail Kamal and local committees and declared independence one after another. Patriots raised the national flag in all Albanian territory and also elected the delegates to the Assembly of Vlora. On November 28, 1912, the National Assembly started its session in Vlora. The Parliament decided the declaration of independence of Albania and all delegates signed the historic act of this major event for the entire Albanian nation. The Declaration of Independence ended the 435 years of Ottoman rule in the Albanian lands. Obviously, the attitude of the Turkish Government was negative by rejecting this claim, and stated that "Albania is safe only if it becomes a vassal of the Ottoman Empire with a Turkish prince of the imperial family ruling it." This problem in Turkish-Albanian relations will continue to be present even in the later years where the Young Turks would attempt to bring to power a Muslim prince in connection with the Ottoman dynasty.

Pobuna Bihoraca povodom regrutacije mladića za osmansku vojsku 1880. godine

Author(s): Sait Š. Šabotić / Language(s): Bosnian Issue: 73-74/2017

Iako je Berlinski kongres regulisao čitav niz važnih pitanja, on je ipak, uvijek trusnom balkanskom prostoru, ostavio dosta starih i neriješenih problema koji su vodili stvaranju novih zamršenih političkih čvorova. Prisustvo Austro-Ugarske u Bosni i Hercegovini, koja nije mogla da učestvuje u svjetskoj podjeli kolonija, zbog čega se i okrenula Balkanu kao jedinom prostoru koji joj je preostao, unosilo je novu dimenziju u međusobnim odnosima sa Osmanskom Imperijom, koja je, opterećena ratnom odštetom, bila prinuđena da grca i u unutrašnjo-političkim suprotnostima koje su je pritiskale. Jak uticaj Prizrenske lige formirane juna 1878. godine, donosio je u tom vremenu dodatne nevolje Porti, od kojih je jedna bila i odbijanje regrutacije mladića prispjelih za služenje vojnog roka. Otpor su u tom pogledu prvo pružili mladići Albanci, nakon kojih su se na taj korak osmjelili i Bošnjaci. U nekoliko varoši Novopazarskog sandžaka uslijedile su oštre pobune, tokom kojih su pale i ljudske žrtve. U svom istupu u Bijelom Polju, Donjobihorci su tokom protesta ubili i kajmekama. Nemire u Osmanskoj državi sa velikom pažnjom je pratila evropska javnost.

Historijsko-književni pristup narodnim pjesmama o đurumlijama

Author(s): Avdija Avdić / Language(s): Bosnian Issue: 73-74/2017

Odlazak muslimanskih dobrovoljaca iz Sandžaka i Bosne i Hercegovine na daleka ratišta gdje su se borili za opstanak Osmanskog Carstva i “za din i iman” u vrtlogu Prvog svjetskog rata izgleda nam, nakon sto godina od tada, kao čudna pojava. Da bi se to njihovo angažovanje shvatilo i razumjelo, moraju se poznavati historijske okolnosti u kojima je muslimansko stanovništvo živjelo na pomenutom prostoru u vremenskom toku u kojem je Osmansko Carstvo potiskivano i 1912. godine bilo potisnuto iz Evrope. Nada u mogućnost opstanka Osmanskog Carstva, koja je bila podgrijana propagandom, odvela je đurumlije do daleke Galicije i do dalekih ratišta na prostorima Osmanskog Carstva. U narodu je sačuvano sjećanje na njih, a oni su opjevani i u narodnim lirskim pjesmama. Petnaest pjesama sačuvano je od zaborava i, u ovome prilogu, zadržati ćemo se na njihovoj kraćoj analizi. One obiluju dubokim lirskim osjećajima.

Münzen, Geldumsatz und Marktverhältnisse im Osmanischen Reich während des 16 Jh. (mit Rücksicht auf die bulgarischen Länder)

Author(s): Nikola Robev / Language(s): German Issue: 1-2/1998

National Liberation Movement in European Turkey during the Late 19th and Early 20th C

Author(s): Zorka Parvanova / Language(s): English Issue: 4/1997