Anali Zavoda za povijesne znanosti Hrvatske akademije znanosti i umjetnosti u Dubrovniku 58 (2020)
Review of: Ante Matuško - Anali Zavoda za povijesne znanosti Hrvatske akademije znanosti i umjetnosti u Dubrovniku 58 (2020), 365 stranica
More...We kindly inform you that, as long as the subject affiliation of our 300.000+ articles is in progress, you might get unsufficient or no results on your third level or second level search. In this case, please broaden your search criteria.
Review of: Ante Matuško - Anali Zavoda za povijesne znanosti Hrvatske akademije znanosti i umjetnosti u Dubrovniku 58 (2020), 365 stranica
More...
This article examines the background to the operation Storm in 1995, a decisive Croatian attack on Republic of Srpska Krajina. This action was based on the estimate that after the fall of the enclaves of Srebrenica and Žepa in eastern Bosnia, forces of Bosnian and Croatian Serbs were planning an attack on the Bihać region in northwest Bosnia. Croatian leadership projected that the fall of Bihać would further complicate its war plans, as it would solidify Serbian control over compact territory. American military and intelligence apparatus was also estimating that such move would pave the way to Serbian victory in war. The priority was therefore to enable Croatian military engagement in that sector through a complex diplomatic action which preceded its realization. This operation was executed under the codename “Summer 95”, leading to the Croatian overtake of the cities of Bosansko Grahovo and Glamoč, which exposed Knin, the stronghold of Republic of Srpska Krajina. What followed was a Croatian attempt to secure support from the West (primarily the United States) for a decisive military action. Its scope was finalized at President Tuđman's meeting with the military leadership on July 31 and at the session of Croatian Defence and National Security Council on August 3. Aside of the international context, two important components to the background of the downfall of Republic of Srpska Krajina were relations between Serbia and Croatia in their attempt to secure their war aims, as well as the power struggles between Slobodan Milošević and the leaderships of Croatian and Bosnian Serbs. These complex relations are well reflected in the archival material exhibited in the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia, as well as in the recollections of the protagonists.
More...
This paper deals with imagological analysis of media reports on the Serb uprising in Croatia in two regionally strong dailies: “Slobodna Dalmacija” and “Glas Slavonije” during the years 1990 and 1991. Reporting and commenting on the events that immediately preceded start of the Yugoslav Wars in daily press is viewed through three frequently represented sets of imagems through which Serbs in Croatia were perceived: imagems of “Balkans” and semantically opposed term “Europe”, imagems of “Haiduks” and “brigandry”, and the imagological narrative of “conspiracy”. All these narratives evoked ethnic stereotypes and encouraged fear and hatred towards Serbs, and over time they gradually formed a part of imaginary of the dominant nationalist narrative.
More...
Author based this article on oral testimonies collected in the area of Bilogora between Bjelovar and Grubišno Polje and on published literature. In the article, the author provides information on the customs of childbirth, weddings, deaths, religious customs, and then deals with the elements that influenced assimilation in socialism (anti-fascist struggle and its memory, Yugoslavism, atheism of Serbs, etc.). He especially deals with memories of the past, the Homeland War (1991 — 1995) and the suffering of the population of Grubišno Polje and the Bjelovar region in that war.
More...
The article aims to present the dynamics of ethnocultural values and norms regulating family and marriage relations in Southern Russia based on materials from sociological re-studies conducted from 2004 to 2020. The article discusses the results of the analysis of the gender and age hierarchy in the family, the gender division of housework, the reproduction of the gender ethno-ethics norms. The study revealed a discrepancy between societal values and norms in the field of family-marriage relations and different vectors of their dynamics in typologically different subregions of Southern Russia. As a result of the study, the authors distinguish the ethno-territorial segments of the "traditionalist" type (Ingushetia, Dagestan), in which the androcentric orientations in the family are stable and are mostly shared by men and women. The surveys have revealed a difference in the gender subgroup attitudes in the "transitional" republics (Kabardino-Balkaria, Adygea) during the period under review. Women are more oriented towards the deconstruction of the traditional gender order. The trend to egalitarian family relations among both sexes is observed in relatively "modernized" subregions (Rostov Region) to a greater extent. The tendency to increase the family role of an older man (father/father-in-law) has not been sustainable. It showed a rise in the North Caucasus republics during a 2010 survey and then declined a decade later. Also, the norms of ethno-etiquette are weakening in the family sphere. Collegiality indicators in financial behavior and shopping are increasing in all ethno-territorial segments from the first to the last stages of the survey. Women continue to be the driving force behind the transformation of gender relations in the region since they are the ones who tend to redefine traditional roles in the family.
More...
The article studies the Jewish cemetery which provides a significant amount of historical information about various aspects of the life of the Jewish community which have long been out of focus. The objective of the research lies in proving the relevance of marginal culturally significant objects in the context of postmodern philosophy, as well as explaining and analyzing the compositional ways and peculiarities of plastic images of the facades of the gravestones in Kremenets, one of the Volyn areas of the Jewish culture in the 18th century – the early 19th century. The article focuses on the most common method of studying the monuments of Jewish gravestone epigraphy. The methodology of the research is based on the regionalist approaches to the problem and the application of culturological, retrospective comparative-historical methods and the use of critical analysis. For the first time, the artistic and style peculiarities of the memorial plastic arts of Jewish cemetery in Kremenets are analysed and the historical factors that influenced them are explicated. It was proved that the historical and cultural value of the Jewish necropolis in Kremenets lies in its originality. The cemetery is one of the oldest in Europe and contains unique information on the history, customs and culture of the Jewish people. It can become a promising object of visit for postmodern consumers, interested in unpopular and marginal tourist artefacts.
More...
The history of the Chinese Eastern Railway (CER) railway, which has drawn the attention of scholars almost since the time of its construction, is inseparable from the story of the complicated and tangled relations between one majority group — Chinese — and two large minority groups, White émigrés and Soviet citizens who resided in Manchuria and whose lives were largely related to the CER. These relations are largely ignored by the scholars of the CER, in which the focus is on various diplomatic aspects and the CER is considered to be a key actor in international relations of the countries and whose interests were related to Manchuria. Therefore, this article explores the complicated and tangled relations between Chinese, White émigrés, and Soviet citizens who resided in Manchuria in 1920s — 1930s and whose lives were largely related to the Chinese Eastern Railway. This very aspect, the existence of two minority groups (CER’s soviet staff and White émigrés) who shared the same linguistic, cultural, and ethnic background, but who, on the other hand, were political antagonists, makes the Manchurian case especially unique and interesting. This paper argues that common ethnic identity prevailed over ideological discord. This discord was neutralized by life which they lived together surrounded by culturally, linguistically, and ethnically different majority.
More...
На протяжении Гражданской войны в России межэтнические противоречия и проблемы существенно влияли на ход военно-политического противостояния боровшихся за власть над страной сил. Еврейский вопрос традиционно был одним из наиболее острых. Наличие евреев среди высшего руководства большевиков отрицательно сказывалось на отношении военных, политических и общественных деятелей антибольшевистского движения к еврейскому населению в Белой России, где антисемитизм стал визитной карточкой пропаганды.
More...
The article examines the petition campaign for the return of the Cathedral Mosque, organized by the Muslims of Leningrad in the second half of the 1940s and the first half of the 1950s. The campaign represents an example of a human rights activity (albeit in a limited sphere, for securing freedom of conscience), and should be taken into account when studying the history of the human and civil rights movement in the USSR. The language and argumentation used by authors of the petitions are analyzed. The article examines the religious life of Leningrad Muslims outside of the mosque (in particular, the holding of festive services at the Tatar cemetery in the village of Volkova). The article touches upon the problem of historical memory. The memories of the struggle for permission to build a mosque in St. Petersburg in tsarist times, preserved among Leningrad Muslims, were taken into account by officials when deciding whether to return this religious building to believers in the 1950s. The problem of returning the mosque is considered in the context of changes in the confessional policy of the country’s leadership. The article demonstrates the role of such a body as the Council for Religious Affairs under the Council of Ministers of the USSR touches upon this role in resolving issues of returning religious buildings to believers in the post-war period. Particular attention is paid to the relations within the Leningrad Muslim community. On the example of the conflict between imam-khatib Abdulbari N. Isaev and Chairman of the twenty (dvadtsatka) Usman Bogdanov, the author examines the system of power relations within religious communities in the USSR in the postwar period. In particular, the article mentions the narrative that Bogdanov proposed to subordinate dvadtsatka directly to the Commissioner of the Council for Religious Affairs in the Leningrad Region.
More...
At the beginning of the 20th century, the area of the present counties of Bihar (Bihor), Szatmár (Satu Mare) and Szilágy (Sălaj) was considered to be spatially strongly connected. Parallel commercial belts emerged as contiguous zones in the three counties, bounded by wide peripheries, especially on the hilly sides. By the beginning of the 21st century, the former spatial structure had disintegrated. Nowadays, the three counties have independent, narrow, and isolated center areas that appear like islands in the wide periphery. These central areas are not interconnected with each other, and even the strongest external spatial connections of the three counties are not directed towards each other, but “outwards”. In the paper, the spatial structure characteristics are examined based on social, economic and income indicators, and the spatial profile is established. The results show the expansion of the peripheries, and even some sections of the previous commercial belt, running along the Trianon border, have begun to peripheralize.
More...
This article raises the issue of how the Russian Federation could benefit from the instrumental use of ethnic heterogeneity to pursue its geopolitical interests. The paper focuses on the recent case of a Polish-Ukrainian historical memory dispute which affected relations between Warsaw and Kyiv. The research focus is on how vulnerable Poland and Ukraine are to Russian active measures which potentially target not only national minorities but also groups of people who are only temporarily present in these states, such as economic migrants and tourists. An analysis is conducted of Russia’s geopolitical objectives and its strategy toward Polish-Ukrainian relations in the broader context of the rivalry between Russia and the West. The analysis is conducted within the framework of the neorealist theory of international relations. The case study of specific events discloses how Russia could exacerbate tensions between nations and the role of ethnic heterogeneity in this regard. Against this backdrop, the author shows how Russia may challenge other states of the Euro-Atlantic community with similar active measures.
More...
The central concern of this paper is the growing influx of Russian migrants to the Czech Republic and the consequences for political and social order. With nearly 40,000 migrants, Russians are the fourth biggest foreign community in Czechia. Due to their material status, the history of bilateral relations, and the significant role of their homeland in Czech politics, the growing Russian community poses a problem for Czech society. The fear of Russian dominance – in political as well as economical dimensions – as well as resentment about the communistic era, is still present among Czech people. Although most Russians come to Czech to study or to do business and are not engaged in political activity, relations between migrants and the host society can be strained. Mutual prejudices make themselves felt in moments of the political crisis between two countries, such as the recent row over Soviet monuments in Prague. However, this doesn’t necessarily mean that the Russian community could easily become a tool for Kremlin propaganda. Russians appreciate the opportunity to live in a rich, liberal and democratic society and even though they keep strong emotional ties with their homeland they are not keen to affirm all of Moscow’s deeds.
More...
This article focuses on the 1937 episode of collaboration between the antisemitic National Christian Party (PNC) and Calinic I. Popp Șerboianu and George A. Lăzurică, important leaders of the interwar Roma movement. As a result of Octavian Goga’s support, these two Roma leaders were able to publish a special edition for Roma of the Țara Noastră newspaper. They were given a headquarters and entered a mutual support agreement: the two Roma leaders agreed to support the PNC candidates against the promise that members of the Roma minority would run on the PNC lists at the next local elections. At the same time, an antisemitic radicalization of these Roma leaders took place. How this alliance was possible, what this episode says about Romanian nationalism and about the way the Roma were perceived by Romanian nationalists are some of the questions addressed by this paper. My article consists of three parts. The first part reviews the most important interwar Roma organizations and the context of their emergence, the second part deals with the discourse of Roma organizations, including their attitude toward other minorities and toward Jews in particular, and the last part deals in more detail with the episode of the electoral alliance between the Roma and the National Christian Party.
More...
Following the Jews’ deportation to Transnistria, the Romanian authorities at central and regional level began receiving a sustained correspondence, from as early as December 1941, from the families of the deportees and from those ghettoized in Transnistria. That type of correspondence peaked in the latter half of 1942, as the dramatic situation in Transnistria became known, and information on the deported reached the home-country. The stories contained in those petitions illustrate the arbitrariness of the deporting actions, the extreme life conditions in Transnistria, the set of arguments brought to the fore by the petitioners, and how the State authorities treated those administrative undertakings. All these aspects will be dealt with in this study.
More...
The aim of this article is to analyse the Polish authorities’ policy towards national and ethnic minorities after 1989, after the collapse of real socialism in Poland. The author gives an overview of the historical and sociopolitical situation of these minorities in Poland. The main point of consideration is the position and functioning of national and ethnic minorities on the basis of law, their political activity in parliamentary and local elections, as well as the attitude of leading Polish political parties towards the issues of national and ethnic minorities. National and ethnic minorities are, by definition, less numerous than the rest of the Polish population, but remain Polish citizens and at the same time are aware of their historical community. The article uses the following methods: descriptive and institutional-legal.
More...
Review of: Taner KARAKUZU, İlker LİMON - Fahri TÜRK, Emirhan KAYA, Kaf Dağı’nın Eteğinden Toroslar’a Osmanlı’dan Günümüze Türkiye’de Alman Göçmenler, Astana Yayınları, Ankara, 2020, ISBN: 9786257890373
More...
The following contribution focuses on the Yugoslav policy towards the Soviet Union in the interwar period concerning the Russian emigrants living in the Yugoslav territory. Between 1918 and 1940, the diplomatic relations between Yugoslavia and the Soviet Union were not formally and legally established. Nevertheless, various political contacts that were based on the mutual fear of undermining the system of government existed and expressed themselves mainly in the twofold way in which the Yugoslav authorities treated the Russian emigrants: on the one hand, they enjoyed unparalleled support; while on the other hand, they were under constant surveillance due to the fear of Soviet secret agents. Only the increasing Nazi threat forced Yugoslavia to relax its anti-communist policies and establish diplomatic relations with the Soviet Union, which infuenced its atitude towards the Russian emigrants as well.
More...
The conflict over Nagorno-Karabakh has shown the world the anachronistic nature of the problems faced by the politicians, armies and citizens of Armenia and Azerbaijan. Nevertheless, this real and grim conflict that continues to cause tension in the region contrasts greatly with the hopes of many for peace and well-being. The prospects for development, prosperity and peaceful coexistence between the peoples of the Caucasus are still overshadowed by territorial and ethnic conflict. Despite this, they do not match the aspirations and dreams of the societies present in this region.
More...
In ethnically divided societies and political systems organized according to the principles of consociationalism, demography plays a crucial role as a powerful tool for promoting ethno-political interests. The aim of this article is to evaluate to what extent the first post-war 2013 census in Bosnia and Herzegovina became a hostage to the principle of ethno-politics. This study is grounded in Horowitz’s analysis of censuses in deeply divided societies, which assumes that ethnic identity in fragmented societies provides an explanation of who people vote for, and the reverse. We use the data on ethnic voting in 2014 as an indirect estimate of the ethnic structure of the population to verify the 2013 census findings. To do so, we determine the extent to which people enumerated as residents in the 2013 census actually live at the places they were counted, as required by the census law. Although we found that the indirect estimate of ethnic demography based on ethnic voting is largely in line with the census results, we also identified specific structural discrepancies between census results and voting patterns that indicate possible flaws in the census data in general. The method we used revealed significant territorial discrepancies, bringing into question the validity of the census data about the presence of Bosniak and Croat returnees in the Republika Srpska, and especially for Croats across Bosnia and Herzegovina. We argue that these discrepancies may have significant political consequences for the fragile Bosnian powersharing system based on ethnic quotas and proportionality.
More...
Hate crime and hate speech are extreme examples of negative intergroup relations. It is thought that it would be very useful to analyze the variables that lead up to for dealing with hate speech and crimes that have many physical and psychological destructive consequences for the exposed group members. Therefore, the aim of the present study is to address some of the social psychological variables associated with hate speech and hate crimes and to suggest solutions to reduce hate speech and hate crimes in this context. For this purpose, first of all, hate speech and hate crimes were defined and various examples were presented in this direction. Later, hate crimes and hate speech were examined in terms of social identity identification, social dominance orientation, system justification, realistic and symbolic threat perception, frustration and scapegoat concepts. The relationship between hate speech and crimes of this concept has been embodied with research findings and examples from various regions in Turkey and the world. Finally, some solution suggestions have been presented by making use of this theoretical knowledge in terms of combating hate crimes and hate speeches.
More...