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Проблем народних мањина заузима данас важно мјесто у опћим дискусијама, поименце ондје гдје се ради о томе како ћемо поправити међународне одношаје. И може се рећи, да га ни сам проблем свјетске економске кризе није у стању потиснути у позадину. То се види већ и по томе што се њиме баве несамо Унија за промицање интереса Лиге На- рода, Међународно правно удружење, социјалистичке интернацијонале, лиге за права човјека, и т. д., већ и разне друге организације вјерскога, филозофскога, и културнога значаја.
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Ако оставимо пострани ≫Нову Европу≪, која је Лигу Народа узела у свој програм као једну од главних тачака, па стално о њој пише и прати њен рад од њена и од свог постанка — почевши с уводником свога првог броја (од 16. септембра 1920: ≫Шта хоће Нова Европа≪) —, доносећи редовне и исцрпне извештаје о њеним скупштинама, и о нашим изасланицима на њима, од свог нарочитог женев- ског дописника, те посвећујући јој, поред уводних и других чланака, и читаве свеске (види број од 1. септембра 1925);
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This is a paper based on my PhD thesis “The history of the Jews from Romania and Hungary (1945-1953) in the Romanian and Hungarian Historical Writings”. From the consultation of the edite bibliography that we put at the basis of the present study it results that we have studied of an appreciable literature dedicated to the study of Jewish phenomena after the Second World War, published in Romania and Hungary. Written by Romanian and Hungarian historians, some of Jewish origins, the edite bibliography reveals us a series of particularities of the evolution of Jewish community during communist period in Central Europe. The sources of oral history allow us to give new insights on a community on fighting for the coming out from the tragedy of Holocaust, the adaptation to the newly political economical realities of the area, but also for the prezervation of identity. Thus were questioned 8 members of the Jewish Community of Oradea, who either them or members of their family members were returned from deportation with the view of the early postwar years in Oradea and their welcoming back in the community near the Crisul Repede River.
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The Kurdish question is considered one of the most difficult and unresolved issues in the Middle East region. Although the Kurds have lived in this region for many centuries, they still do not have their own state. According to various statistics, there are 35-45 million Kurds scattered in the world. In the region, they are represented in four countries: Turkey, Iraq, Syria and Iran. Kurds living in Iran, who, like other Kurds, demand autonomy, often face resentment from the Iranian government, which is why the government has banned ethnic parties and groups in the country. To gain autonomy and independence, several Kurdish political parties were formed in Iran during the last century. Other than gaining autonomy, they also support the transformation of Iran into a democratic, secular and federal state. Kurdish political parties and groups play an important role as the preservation of Kurdish identity is the result of their strong engagement in political and military activities. The parties formed by Iranian Kurds, along with Kurdish groups in Turkey, Syria and Iraq, are actively fighting the Islamic State.
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The Donald Trump presidency ushered in a new era of Sino-American relations. Under Trump, American policies towards the Asian Giant evolved from antagonistic and confrontational to seemingly close and warm to eventually turn into an open economic and political conflict. The present “decoupling” of the two economies initiated by the Trump administration may be seen as an attempt to divide the world into two camps and this process may shape global politics, economics, and military affairs for decades to come. The emerging struggle for world dominance has features resembling the Soviet-American cold war. But the Soviet Union posed only a major military and ideological threat while China is quickly becoming an economic superpower and uses this strength to pry out entire regions from the American sphere of influence. China has created international trade and financial structures that challenge the dominance of the American-led World Bank and the International Monetary Fund. The Asian competitor is also taking steps to replace the U.S. dollar with its own currency in international markets.
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The result of the proclamation and activities of the Republic of the Serb People of Bosnia and Herzegovina is aggression and genocide committed by Serb military and police forces against Bosniaks. In the aggression against the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, the Serbian aggressor, with the use of superior military force, killed, wounded, destroyed their property, forcibly expelled them from their homes and forced them to permanently leave their homes and property. Forced relocations and deportations of Bosniaks and Croats from the territory of Bosnian Krajina were massive, systematic and planned, and were accompanied by killings, violence, various coercion, illegal detention, rapes, bombing and burning of houses, property robbery, and psychological pressure by Serb military and police units and civilian authorities. The goal of these persecutions and deportations was to reduce the non-Serb population in the territory of Bosnian Krajina to 2%. In the period 1992-1995 several hundred thousand of non-Serbs were forcibly expelled from the Bosnian Krajina.
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The role Franjo Tuđman and the Croatian government played in the process of peaceful reintegration of Croatian Danube region Hrvatsko Podunavlje (the Croatian Danube region) and in the establishment of the country’s full sovereignty is presented and analyzed, on the basis of documentary evidence, in this work. Also contained in this work are explanations and analyses related to the main objectives of the Republic of Croatia’s policies in the period from the end of 1995 to 1998. The influence of the USA and the international community on the process of resolving the conflict in the former Yugoslavia and their relationship with Franjo Tuđman is also presented. In this context this work gives an overview of the most relevant circumstances that led to the political agreement on peaceful reintegration of Hrvatsko Podunavlje and the two-year long implementation of the process.
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Prošlogodišnji, osmi natječaj Podružnice za „Nagradu za najbolji rad mladih povjesničara iz povijesti Slavonije, Srijema i Baranje“ bio je otvoren do 10. rujna 2020. Na natječaj su i ovaj put, kao i u prethodnoj godini, pravodobno prispjela svega četiri rada (2 povjesničara i 2 povjesničarke).
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Members of the Czech minority, despite a strongly expressed national self-consciousness, started to point out during the 1930s a closeness with the Croatian people, which was influenced by the new foreign policy orientation of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia, a complex international situation their native country found itself in, and finally, a gradual assimilation with the Croatian majority, especially in the cities, and to a lesser degree in counties where Czechs had an absolute and relative majority in the total population. It is no surprise then that the co-bearers of the Czech-minority social life in Croatia pointed out the formation of the Banovina of Croatia as the most important Yugoslavian issue upon whose solution depended the further peaceful and undisturbed development of conditions within the country. As they were loyal subjects of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia, so they planned to be loyal to the Banovina of Croatia, in the hopes that nothing would change in their minority status, and that those unresolved minority questions would finally be resolved, especially their right for citizenship and public education, and in the long term getting a minority representative on the list of the ruling Croatian Peasants’ Party, which would guarantee them entrance into the future Parliament of the Banovina of Croatia. The coup and the April War of 1941 caught everybody unprepared, including the Czech minority which welcomed the formation of the Independent State of Croatia the same way it welcomed the formation of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes some twenty years ago, then the formation of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia and finally, of the Banovina of Croatia.
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Proces iseljavanja s istraživanog prostora krajem 16. i početkom 17. stoljeća (uz kasnija doseljavanja) stvorilo je etničke, jezične, socioekonomske i kulturne odnose, koji su bili osnovicom kasnije pa nemalim dijelom i današnje prostorne organizacije te strukture njegove naseljenosti. Porazi osmanskih postrojbi na granici Osmanskoga i Habsburškog imperijalnog sustava u savsko-dravskom međurjećju su sve više djelovali na kršćane u osmanskim pograničnim sandžacima te su osobito Vlasi Pakračko-cerničkog sandžaka počeli organizirano prelaziti na habsburšku stranu u većem broju krajem 16. stoljeća. To treba posebno promatrati u kontekstu tzv. „dugog rata“ (oko 1591. – 1606.). U članku se daje tek nekoliko osnovnih informacija koje ilustriraju iseljavanje vlaškoga srpskopravoslavnog stanovništva iz zapadnog Papuka, Ravne gore i Psunja te susjednih područja krajem 16. i početkom 17. stoljeća na prostore hrvatsko-slavonske Vojne krajine.
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In this paper, the author brings a transcription of a document from Western Slavonian history from the time of the Homeland war. It shows a certain chronology of actions by Veljko Džakula and his band and is meant for the presidents of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia and the Republic of Serbia, Dobrica Ćosić and Slobodan Milošević. The document pertains to their actions during 1992 and the first several months of 1993 during which time that band came up as the supporter of an extremely limited negotiating process with Croatian authorities. Along with the document there is a brief clarification of the circumstances in which it was created i.e. only the most important information is contained within.
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The protest of the North Ossetian nativist religious movement against discourses of dominant institutions in the public sphere involves as its necessary component ‘re-description’ of religion in general and ‘re-constructed’ religious systems in particular. Usually, this means revealing allegedly forgotten ancient meanings of indigenous customs, rituals and folklore texts through the use of various concepts taken from esotericism and/or practical psychology. The language for this re-description is provided by conceptual apparatus developed by New Age movements. Of particular interest in this respect is the language of ‘new science’, ‘alternative history’, ‘transpersonal psychology’, etc., employed as a tool for criticising the established system of Christian-centric understanding of what religion is and what its social functions are.
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The European continent is on the verge of a new war. The nature of this potential intense confrontation will be determined by two key factors: (1) the level of risks Kremlin is willing to take in order to reinstate Russia as a major player in international arena; (2) the success of hybrid warfare developed in the recent years by Russian intelligence infrastructure on the European continent. The actual geopolitical context is the result of a Russian middle term strategy based on mathematical science - geometry and mind game - chess. In order to understand what geometry has to do with Russian strategic planning, it is enough to connect three points on the map of Europe: Berlin, Kiev and Belgrade. The triangle resulted it shows very explicit a) the area of major interest for Moscow and b) why Kiev is next on the Russian “shopping list”. Regarding the last item, the acquisition can be made “manu militari”, political or/ and economical. Of course, the first hypothesis should and hopefully it will be the last option, because Moscow has other access in its pockets. On the other hand, it is the moment to realize the tricks (hybrid actions) Russia has played on the European chessboard with European Union and U.S.A. in the last years: a) the energy game with Berlin in order to get inside Europe and b) the history and religious game with Belgrade in order to reach Western Balkans. Both games were developed in the last two decades, because what Moscow has learned is the fact that the spiral of history it will provide the opportunity to counterstrike the strategies Western powers imposed in the east side of the European continent. Currently, Russia relies most on Western Balkans to leverage the negotiations with Euro-Atlantic actors, because the area seems better anchored in the geopolitical infrastructure that supports Moscow projects. EU and NATO have to acknowledge that they share part of the responsibility for this context. It was the lack of strategic interest of both actors to develop a predictable and tailored road map for the Balkan states that provided Russia with time and means to consolidate its presence in the Balkans. And now Russia put the Balkans on the geopolitical chessboard along with Crimea, Donbas and probably another part of Ukrainian territory.
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During the restless 20th century, Jews from the Czech lands repeatedly faced emigration. While it was their voluntary choice during the period of the first Czechoslovak Republic until the second half of the 1930s, concerning mainly Zionists (national Jews who left for Palestine as pioneers), the emigration from respected Czechoslovakia in the course of the next years was a response to the worsening political, economic, and social possibilities. After World War II, the community faced two emigration waves (from 1945 to 1948 and after 1968). The choice after the defeat of the Prague Spring can be considered an individual decision caused by the contemporary political and social situation. The study focuses not only on the nature of these emigration waves, but mainly on an analysis of the debates on emigration conducted within the structured Jewish community. The said opinions were presented not only within Jewish, but also within Czech society where emigrants were no longer considered part of the nation, especially after the February coup. The analysis also covers the structured relationship between those who left for abroad and the ones who stayed at home.
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The study focuses on the forced displacement of the German population from the Czech lands between May 1945 and the end of 1946, which meant the departure of almost three million Germans. This migration had a profound impact both on the lives of the individuals who participated in it and on German society. Forced migration after the Second World War is not only an integral part of the communicative memory of many Germans, but also a part of cultural memory and the subject of politics of memory today. In this study, we draw on oral history interviews with the so-called ‘Erlebnisgeneration’, i.e. persons who experienced forced displacement as children or young adults. The object of the analysis are narratives related to forced displacement; we ask in what ways this migration is narrated, what narrative strategies and means individual narrators choose when they talk about this event, and whether they create certain narrative patterns. Our focus is on the themes, structures, and intentions of the narrative representations of ‘expulsion’. We attempt to show how male and female narrators deal with the traumatic experience and how they attempt to integrate and gain recognition from others. We observe these issues in the context of theories of collective trauma and are inspired by the analytical approach of grounded theory.
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This study, examines the issue of state-building in Moldova Republic after the fall of the Soviet Union and the interplay of the three dimensions: ethnic identity, national identity and language policy. The paper make an analyze of ethnic identity as the contextualization of history, beliefs, customs, spiritual values, etc. of a speech community which practice their culture and values via the medium of language. Also makes the analyze of the Language policies as nation building activities as a tool which can improve the sense of nationality and reduce ethnic discords, and in the event may also suppress the maintenance or development of ethnic identity. Between language policy and state-building is a strong connection in terms of national security.
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The article presents changes in the global balance of power in recent years, withparticular emphasis on the impact of the coronavirus pandemic on the evolution of theexisting international order. The article presents the most important areas of increasingrivalry between the greatest powers and between regional powers in the political,military, and economic dimensions, which may upset the existing balance of power.Changes in the structure of the world economy and new faces of globalization weretaken into account. Much attention was paid to the issue of shifting rivalry betweensuperpowers from the Euro-Atlantic area towards Asia.
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The Gaza Strip has been an area of military operations in the 21st century bythe Hamas organization and Palestinian Islamic Jihad against Israel. In response to theactivity of the Islamic groups, the Israeli armed forces have conducted four majormilitary operations. The purpose of this paper is to present this asymmetric conflictconducted in urban terrain and the new types of military technology used there. Theevaluation is based on the experience of the military operations conducted there. Theadvantage that Israel gained was due to, among other things, the use of intelligence andreconnaissance methods, as well as the use of software based on artificial intelligence.However, Israeli troops suffered heavy human losses, which indicates that in urbancombat tactical and technological superiority does not always work. By preparingunderground installations and tunnels, the Palestinians were able to neutralize theIsraeli army’s advantage by using ambushes, stealthy maneuvers by subdivisions, exits tothe rear of the Israeli army, or the ability to make a quick escape. However, they lackedeffectiveness against the ultra-modern Iron Dome anti-aircraft system, or againstarmored vehicles. This contradicts opinions about the unsuitability of armoured weaponsin urban combat. Experience gained in described military operations should be used infuture military conflicts conducted in urbanized Europe.
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The study deals about the public image of Romanians and Bulgarians during the period between the two World Wars. Both Romanians and Bulgarians had different images and conceptions regarding their neighbor. Anyway, this perception was not new then and it still exists nowadays. Another important aspect was that of Southern Dobrudja. While for Romanians the most important territory was Transylvania, for the Bulgarians this was present in their imaginary very deep.
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