Smeštanje kulture

Author(s): Homi Bhabha / Language(s): Serbian

In The Location of Culture, Hommi Bhabha sets out the conceptual imperative and political consistency of the post-colonial intellectual project. In a dazzling series of essays he explains why the culture of western modernity must be relocated from the post-colonial perspective. Bhabha discusses writers as Morrison, Gordimer, Conrad and Walcolt. And Bhabha rethinks questions of identity, social agency and national affiliation. In doing so he provides a theory of cultural hybridity and the ‘translation’ of social differences which goes beyond the polarities of Self and Other, East and West.

Globalization and Neo-liberalism

Author(s): / Language(s): English

This book is a collection of papers written and presented at the Panel Discussion on Globalization and Neo-liberalism, held on April 19th 2006 in Zagreb. This Panel Discussion was organized by the Political Science Research Centre Forum. It gathered eminent Croatian scientists from different scientific fields of research (sociology, political sciences, economics, history, law, philosophy and others). Multidisciplinary approach ensured a fruitful discussion resulting with this book which aims to enlighten many globalization issues from different aspects and points of view. Understanding the changes in contemporary society connected with processes of globalization and the neo-liberal doctrine and the ways in which they reflect on Croatian society and state requires systematic and multidisciplinary scientific rethinking. In the scope of this comprehension the book intends to provide at least an overview of possible responses to the challenges of the world we live in. Although primarily based on scientific and theoretical ground, papers presented in this book also aim to offer some pragmatic ideas and solutions, which is particulary important for the positioning of Croatian society in the context of transition, European integration and adaptation to global processes. Following the given framework of globalization and neo-liberalism, papers presented in this book examine and question different issues starting with the definition of globalization, neo-liberal globalization and globalism in terms of concepts and contents. Also, putting these phenomena in a historical context offers a basis for understanding of contemporary transformation of society and social structures. Various aspects of global relations have been discussed: the role of major and powerful states, the role of international organizations and transnational corporations, changes in labor conditions, position of small countries, transformation of the welfare state and emersion of new forms of social solidarity, security on global and local level, global environment destruction, antiglobalization responses and others. From different points of view the papers in this book examine almost all important specific implications of the influence globalization and neo-liberalism have on economies, politics, welfare state, regulation, security, environment and social issues, aiming especially at pointing out positive and negative consequences for Croatian society.

National Study on Domestic and Gender Based Violence

Author(s): Slavyanka Ivanova / Language(s): English

Bulgaria is among those half of EU-member states where statistical information about victim-offender relationship is not gathered, hereby making impossible the assessment of the share of domestic violence among crimes against the person. Domestic violence is not qualified as a criminal offence and is still not included in the Criminal Code – and respectively, in statistical data provided by the Police and by the National Statistical Institute. Information about numbers of complaints for domestic violence registered in the police and numbers of cases of domestic violence submitted to the courts are not present in the publicly available statistics either. The current report is part of the National Study on Domestic and Gender Based Violence (DGBV) and Elaboration of Victims Support Model (VSM), developed under Programme Area 29, BG12: Domestic and Gender Based Violence, Measure 3: Research and data collection of the Norwegian Financial Mechanism, in response to their aims: research and collection of data regarding the prevalence and measures to prevent and combat DGBV. The general objective of the study is to contribute to the prevention of DGBV and to improve the situation of DGBV victims in Bulgaria, with specific focus on Roma women and girls. The specific objective is to develop knowledge and expertise regarding the situation of domestic and gender-based violence to ensure that all stakeholders including the Bulgarian government can access strong independent analysis in order to facilitate better informed and evidence-based policy decisions. This objective is achieved by conducting quantitative and qualitative study in Bulgaria which provides data regarding the prevalence and measures to prevent and combat DGBV among the general and Roma population. Additional objective is to develop and pilot a Victims Support Model (VSM), which aimed to involve local community in the assistance and protection of DGBV victims and engage the key local stakeholders (police departments, service providers, local authorities, Roma organizations).

National Study on Domestic and Gender Based Violence (DGBV) and Elaboration of Victims Support Model (VSM)

Author(s): Slavyanka Ivanova,Miriana Ilcheva / Language(s): English

The current brief is based on the results of the National Study on Domestic and Gender Based Violence (DGBV) and Elaboration of Victims Support Model (VSM), developed under Programme Area 29, BG12: Domestic and Gender Based Violence, Measure 3: Research and data collection of the Norwegian Financial Mechanism. The study focused on four main thematic areas connected with DGBV phenomena: factors and causes, scales and prevalence, consequences, and public response. The study revealed that DGBV victimisation is caused by the simultaneous action of three types of factors: factors representing a conflict, violent conflict-resolution models that the perpetrators follow, and lack or blocking of deterrent mechanisms. DGBV re-victimisation occurs when the victims lack both internal and external resources to counteract. The reporting of DGBV prevalence depends on three factors: real occurrence of DGBV, awareness that the experienced acts represent DGBV, and readiness to share this experience with authorities, help providers or researchers.

Domestic and Gender-Based Violence: Victims Support Model

Author(s): Elmira Nesheva,Daniela Kolarova,Rumen Minkovski / Language(s): English

Freedom from violence, regardless of its form, is every human being’s fundamental right. The rights to life, liberty and security of person have been regulated in the UN’s Universal Declaration of Human Rights, as well as in the European Convention on Human Rights. The purpose of the Victims Support Model is to provide information and to present the currently existing activities, services and departments, which operate in the area of domestic and gender-based violence. The proposed Model accepts that the strong prevalence of the phenomena and the consequences thereof necessitate that it is treated as a public health issue. For this reason, an approach is being proposed, which defines and outlines the roots and the consequences of this problem in Bulgaria, identifies the risk and protective factors, and proposes strategies for effective resolution, including activities on prevention, timely reaction, and follow-up.

HELSINŠKE SVESKE №15: Nacionalne manjine i pravo

Author(s): / Language(s): Serbian

October 2000 political changeover did not produce the fundamental break with Milosevic's policy. There are numerous examples thereof, notably as regards Republika Srpska, Kosovo and Montenegro. Insistence on that orientation in the face of factual defeat had a negative impact on status of inter-ethnic relations in Serbia proper. National policy aiming at creating an ethnically pure Serb state ended with a catastrophic balance: hundreds of thousands of dead, several million displaced persons and refugees. In the past decade minorities, notably Croats (during the war in Croatia), Bosniaks (during the war in B&H) and Albanians (during the whole decade) bore the brunt of "ethnic-cleansing" policy. By extension, relations between the majority people and some minorities were exacerbated. In the meantime minorities have radicalised their stands and are waiting for resolution of their problems by dint of international community brokerage. Most conspicuous example of the aforementioned was South Serbia, in which the danger of conflict spill-over was great for a while. But thanks to NATO and other international organisations actions and efforts tension has eased and cooperation and revival of economy have been initiated owing to enormous political and financial support of the West. Serbia has entered the period of facing up to difficult and long-term consequences of nationalistic and war policy of the former regime. The entire society has been devastated, and institutions of system destroyed. Long wars, international isolation and bombardment campaign have impacted the general social mood, which is marked by high intolerance, xenophobia, anti-Semitism and emergence of neo-Nazi groups. This is all due to the political vacuum and absence of vision of Serbia's future. Such a general atmosphere affects national minorities, who feel increasingly threatened. The last census, according to unofficial information, indicates that Serbia remains a markedly multi-ethnic country. This may be explained by massive emigration or brain-drain of young and educated Serbs. About 400,000 refugees from Croatia, Bosnia and Kosovo, contrary to some expectations, have not to a larger extent changed the demographic structure of the country. Despite emigration of minorities, their percentage remained the same, in view of de-assimilation of Vlahs and Romany (they stopped identifying with Serbs). This means that the minority issue would remain the hot issue, notably if the nationalistic block continues to persist on realisation of ethnically pure state. Some ethnic communities have been territorially homogenised, hence some of them, in some areas constitute the majority population. Some national minorities, notably Albanians, Bulgarians, Croats, Hungarians, Bosniaks/Muslims, and Romanians inhabit border areas. Thus their territorial homogenisation is a complex political fact. Despite current authorities efforts to fine-tune national minorities-related domestic legislation to the European standards, situation in that regard is slowly changing because of badly impaired inter-ethnic relations in the last decade. Ethnic distance had been increased, but as of late it started dwindling, but not everywhere and not with respect to all minorities.

HELSINŠKE SVESKE №19: Između načela i prakse - položaj "malih" i "velikih" manjina u Srbiji.

Author(s): / Language(s): Serbian

Mniejszości narodowe i etniczne w polityce oświatowej państwa polskiego w latach 1944 - 1966

Author(s): Ewa Pogorzała / Language(s): Polish

Zasadniczym celem badania była próba opisu i ewolucji modelu polityki oświatowej państwa polskiego wobec mniejszości narodowych i etnicznych w badanym okresie. W odniesieniu do koncepcji polityki oświatowej państwa polskiego wobec mniejszości narodowych podjęta została próba określenia i zastosowania autorskiej periodyzacji. Wyróżniono następujące etapy polityki oświatowej wobec mniejszości: od polityki akceptacji do polityki restrykcji (1944–1948), okres polityki unifikacji (1949–1955), okres polityki aktywizacji (1956–1960), okres polityki marginalizacji (1961–1966). Analiza zebranych danych źródłowych pozwoliła stwierdzić, że mniejszości narodowe stanowiły istotny problem w polityce oświatowej państwa polskiego w latach 1944–1966. W szczególności dotyczyło to mniejszości słowackiej, żydowskiej, niemieckiej, białoruskiej, litewskiej i ukraińskiej, czyli grup, które od przełomu lat 40. i 50. XX w. objęte zostały jednolitym modelem kształcenia, na wzór radziecki, w państwowych szkołach z niepolskim językiem nauczania. Centralnym punktem analizy uczyniono szkolnictwo dla mniejszości narodowych jako główny przedmiot polityki oświatowej wobec mniejszości. W tym zakresie analizowano sytuację decyzyjną, tj. główne uwarunkowania i czynniki polityki oświatowej, treść decyzji i dyrektyw wykonawczych (założenia organizacyjne i wychowawczo-programowe szkolnictwa dla mniejszości), proces implementacji tych decyzji (polityka w zakresie sieci szkolnej) oraz jej efekty – w aspekcie ilościowym (struktura szkolnictwa) i jakościowym (stan szkolnictwa). W badaniach nad podjętą problematyką przyjęto rozumienie polityki oświatowej wobec mniejszości jako działalność władz państwowych regulujących sytuację tych grup w dziedzinie oświaty poprzez akty normatywne i decyzje stanowiące uprawnionych organów. Należy przy tym wskazać na dwa przeciwstawne wymiary polityki oświatowej wobec mniejszości: restrykcyjny – negujący prawo tych grup do oświaty w języku ojczystym oraz kompensacyjny – afirmujący prawo do oświaty w języku ojczystym jako wartość autoteliczną lub tylko je akceptujący jako wartość instrumentalną dla osiągnięcia określonych celów politycznych. W pierwszej połowie lat 50. XX w. PZPR, zawłaszczając podmiotowość polityczną ogółu społeczeństwa, w tym mniejszości narodowych, zdecydowała o kształcie systemu oświaty. Głównym celem polityki oświatowej stała się indoktrynacja społeczeństwa. W tej sytuacji ojczysty język nauczania stanowił tylko środek do osiągnięcia tego celu, nie zaś do podtrzymania tożsamości narodowej członków tych grup.

Срби и Југославија. Држава, друштво, политика

Author(s): / Language(s): Serbian

Скоро вековно егзистирање Србије у заједничкој југословенској држави намеће потребу дугорочног и мултидисци пли нарног истраживања положаја Србије, а онда и српског народа у осталим деловима заједничке државе. Сарадници Института за новију историју Србије, прво радом на пројекту Историја српског народа, а затим и на пројекту Срби и распад Југославије извршили су бројна истраживања друштвених, економских, кул турних, просветних, верских и политичких прилика у Србији за време југословенске државе. Рeзултат тога су бројни чланци, ра справе и студије у домаћим и страним часописима и зборни ци ма, као и велики број монографских издања, од којих се већина налази и у најреномиранијим европским библиотекама. [...]

Historijski revizionizam, govor mržnje i nasilje prema Srbima u 2016.

Author(s): Tamara Opačić / Language(s): English,Croatian

Hate speech in right wing media, angry shouting at stadiums and hate graffiti in the streets, public gatherings of Ustasha supporters as well as discriminatory and revisionist statements by senior state officials, became a part of political reality in Croatia in 2016. What is truly wor¬rying for the security of certain individuals and groups, and especially for representatives and members of the Serb community, is that the number of verbal and physical attacks against them rose last year and that hatred against Serbs and other individuals and groups of liberal and leftist orientation became more intense.

Ukraina – Węgry: narastający spór o prawa mniejszości węgierskiej

Author(s): Andrzej Sadecki,Tadeusz Iwański / Language(s): Polish

Od niemal roku stosunki między Węgrami a Ukrainą znajdują się w najgłębszym kryzysie od upadku ZSRR. Główną przyczyną napięć jest przyjęta we wrześniu 2017 roku przez ukraiński parlament ustawa oświatowa, która wprowadzając całościową reformę systemu edukacji, jednocześnie przewiduje poważne ograniczenia w stosowaniu w szkolnictwie języków mniejszości narodowych, w tym węgierskiego. Budapeszt zareagował gwałtowną krytyką pod adresem Kijowa oraz blokowaniem zbliżenia Ukrainy z NATO, domagając się zmiany ustawy. Ukraina z kolei podjęła kroki, aby doprowadzić do złagodzenia stanowiska Budapesztu, poddając ustawę pod ocenę Komisji Weneckiej, a następnie deklarując realizację rekomendacji zawartych w tej ocenie. Wieloletni deficyt zaufania, a także brak realnych działań z obydwu stron na rzecz kompromisu uniemożliwiły rysujące się w maju i czerwcu br. porozumienie. Do kolejnej eskalacji konfliktu doprowadziło powołanie przez węgierski rząd pełnomocnika ds. rozwoju obwodu zakarpackiego, co spotkało się w Kijowie z gwałtowną reakcją i zostało zinterpretowane jako ingerencja w sprawy wewnętrzne Ukrainy. Spór o prawa mniejszości węgierskiej na Ukrainie dotyczy kwestii historycznych i tożsamościowych o ważnym znaczeniu dla obydwu stron i jest mało prawdopodobne, że przez kolejne miesiące zostanie rozwiązany. O ile sprawy te zawsze były fundamentem polityki zagranicznej Budapesztu, szczególnie wobec państw zamieszkanych przez mniejszości węgierskie, Kijów aż do 2014 roku problematykę tę bagatelizował. Jednak od rosyjskiej aneksji Krymu i agresji w Donbasie Ukraina podejmuje kompleksowe działania o charakterze dekomunizacyjnym i derusyfikacyjnym, których konsekwencją jest z jednej strony ukrainizacja przestrzeni publicznej, mediów i systemu oświaty, a z drugiej ograniczanie praw mniejszości narodowych na Ukrainie w zakresie używania języków narodowych w systemie oświaty. Z tych powodów obie strony będą raczej twardo stać na swoich stanowiskach i szukać bieżących korzyści politycznych wynikających z konfliktu, niż podejmować działania na rzecz kompromisu.

Bulgaria’s National Identity Policy in the Balkans

Author(s): Jakub Pieńkowski / Language(s): English

Bulgaria claims a special competence to shape relations between the EU and the Western Balkans. While holding its first presidency of the Council of the EU, Bulgaria sought to strengthen its influence on European policy towards the region. At the same time, it tried to convince the Balkan states that their integration with the EU would not be possible without Bulgarian support. This two-pronged approach allows the Bulgarian authorities to raise the status of the Bulgarian minority with respect to the Balkan partners, which may affect the stability of the Western Balkans and their integration with the EU.

Bułgarska polityka tożsamościowa na Bałkanach

Author(s): Jakub Pieńkowski / Language(s): Polish

Bułgaria podkreśla swoje szczególne kompetencje do kształtowania relacji Unii Europejskiej z Bałkanami Zachodnimi. Sprawując pierwszą prezydencję w Radzie UE, dążyła do umocnienia wpływu na politykę europejską wobec regionu. Starała się przy tym przekonać państwa bałkańskie, że ich integracja z UE nie będzie możliwa bez bułgarskiego wsparcia. Ułatwia to władzom Bułgarii podnoszenie wobec bałkańskich partnerów kwestii statusu bułgarskiej mniejszości, co może niekorzystnie wpłynąć na stabilność Bałkanów Zachodnich i ich integrację z UE.

Historijski revizionizam, govor mržnje i nasilje prema Srbima u 2019.

Author(s): Saša Milošević / Language(s): English,Croatian

U maju 2019. godine odvijala se kampanja za izbore za Europski parlament na kojima je sudjelovala i Samostalna demokratska srpska stranka (SDSS), vodeća stranka Srba u Hrvatskoj, koja ima tri saborska zastupnika u aktualnom sazivu Hrvatskog sabora. SDSS je odlučio izaći na izbore u uvjetima u kojima je cijela zemlja jedna izborna jedinica te na kojima valja osvojiti minimalno 5% glasova kako bi se dobio mandat u Europskom parlamentu. Iskorak je to kojim je jedna manjinska stranka ušla u arenu borbe za svog predstavnika u Europskoj uniji pod nekoliko velikih slogana u kojima se dovitljivo kombinirala ćirilica i latinica, odašiljajući poruku da je i Srbima mjesto u Europi, ali i da proširenje Europske unije na zapadni Balkan mora biti jedan od prioriteta europske politike. Središnja poruka SDSS-a u toj je kampanji bila “Znate li kako je biti Srbin u Hrvatskoj?”, što je odzvanjalo s mnogobrojnih SDSS-ovih plakata, a odgovor na pitanje iz poruke nametnuo se sâm od sebe, i to u vidu samih činova koji su tema ovog Biltena — razina huškačkih, prijetećih i mrzilačkih poruka koje su se ubrzo našle na tim plakatima, u količini kao ni na jednim drugima, učinila je kampanju SDSS-a uspješnom, a politički cilj ostvarenim. Bez obzira na to što SDSS nije dobio dovoljno glasova da bi dobio predstavnika u Europskom parlamentu, doista je odgovoreno na, na prvi pogled, retoričko pitanje: “Znate li kako je biti Srbin u Hrvatskoj?”. [...]

Kako reformirati predsjedništvo BiH? Pregled trenutnih opcija i alternativna rješenja za izvršenje presude u predmetu Sejdić i Finci protiv BiH

Author(s): Nenad Stojanović,Edin Hodžić / Language(s): Bosnian

Debata o reformi Predsjedništva BiH u skladu s presudom u predmetu Sejdić i Finci protiv Bosne i Hercegovine (BiH), barem kada je riječ o ključnim akterima, bila je suštinski svedena na dva prijedloga: aktuelni model sa dvije izborne jedinice, ali bez etničkih odrednica u pogledu kandidata i članova Predsjedništva, te posredni izbor članova kolektivnog šefa države u Parlamentarnoj skupštini BiH. Iako ovi modeli donose određena poboljšanja i formalnu eliminaciju diskriminacije, oni ne omogućavaju pacifiziranje političkog života u Bosni i Hercegovini niti nude realne šanse za faktičko poboljšanje statusa „ostalih". Osim toga, previđaju se nezanemarivi negativni aspekti tih modela, poput slabljenja legitimiteta posredno izabranog Predsjedništva, te ozbiljnih problema koji mogu proizaći iz posrednog izbora njegovih članova uzme li se u obzir dokazana nesposobnost postizanja konsenzusa o formiranju izvršne vlasti u Bosni i Hercegovini. U takvoj situaciji iznimno ograničenog spektra ustavnih opcija u javnoj debati, nepravedno je zapostavljen potencijal alternativnih modela, kakvi su npr. različite varijante geometrijske sredine, da ostvare važne ciljeve ustavne reforme u ovom domenu.

Pristup i povjerenje Roma u institucije sigurnosti i pravosuđa u Bosni i Hercegovini

Author(s): Nejra Veljan,Lejla Arnaut,Maida Ćehajić-Čampara / Language(s): Bosnian

Na popisu iz 2013. godine 12.583 osobe izjasnile su se kao Romi i Romkinje, dok su 252 osobe iskoristile drugačije termine, poput „bošnjački Rom“, „Ciganin“, „muslimanski Rom“, „bijeli Rom“ itd., dok se dvanaest osoba izjasnilo kao Egipćani. Procjene o broju Roma koji žive u Bosni i Hercegovini ne podudaraju se sa zvaničnim podacima popisa. Ministarstvo za ljudska prava i izbjeglice Bosne i Hercegovine procjenjuje da u državi živi najmanje 25.000 do 30.000 Roma. Međunarodne i lokalne nevladine organizacije u Bosni i Hercegovini iz godine u godinu izvještavaju o sistemskoj, višestrukoj i višegeneracijskoj isključenost romske populacije koja ostavlja snažne posljedice na kvalitetu života velikog broja Roma u Bosni i Hercegovini. Romska populacija susreće se s velikom stopom nezaposlenosti, lošim stambenim uslovima i diskriminacijom u institucijama i javnom životu. Izuzetno mali broj Roma radi u policiji i drugim javnim ustanovama, dok se samo jedna sutkinja u Bosni i Hercegovini izjašnjava kao Romkinja. Nije zvanično utvrđeno koliko Roma u Bosni i Hercegovini ne posjeduju lične dokumente, čime im se ograničava pristup građanskim, političkim, socijalnim, ekonomskim i kulturnim pravima. Nemogućnost pribavljanja dokumenata povezana je sa siromaštvom i niskim društvenim statusom romskih zajednica, što vodi daljnjoj isključenosti iz javnog života. Romi nailaze na brojne prepreke u ostvarivanju pristupa osnovnom i srednjem obrazovanju, jer često romske porodice ne mogu platiti troškove školovanja djece. Romi i sami nerijetko odustaju od školovanja zbog diskriminacije. Istraživanja provedena u Bosni i Hercegovini tokom protekle decenije pokazala su da patrijarhalni stavovi i niži stepen obrazovanja Romkinja u odnosu na muškarce sunarodnjake imaju veliki uticaj na nizak standard i izloženost Romkinja nasilju i diskriminaciji i unutar i van svojih zajednica. Aktivnosti koje provode institucije usmjerene na zapošljavanje, obrazovanje, stambeno zbrinjavanje i zdravstvenu zaštitu često ne daju odgovarajuće rezultate; nekada aktivnosti nisu adekvatno usklađene s potrebama, a nekada izostaje praćenje i održivost pojedinih aktivnosti. Atlantska inicijativa provela je istraživanje u periodu od aprila do juna 2020. godine s osnovnim ciljem da istraži stavove romske populacije kada je riječ o pristupu i povjerenju Roma u institucije sigurnosti i pravosuđa. Studija osigurava uvid u probleme s kojima se susreću Romi i Romkinje u kontaktu s pravosudnim sistemom. Polazeći od rezultata istraživanja, formulirali smo preporuke za unapređenje položaja Roma neophodne za jačanje povjerenja između romske populacije i institucija u Bosni i Hercegovini. Identificirane su prepreke izgradnji povjerenja Roma u pravosudne institucije, kao i specifični problemi i potrebe kada je riječ o pristupu Romkinja pravosudnim institucijama. Istraživanje je zamišljeno i kao podsticaj bosanskohercegovačkim institucijama i međunarodnim organizacijama da, polazeći od specifičnih potreba romske populacije, omoguće bolji i ravnopravan pristup Roma i Romkinja pravosudnom sistemu. Metode koje su primijenjene u istraživanju uključuju normativnu analizu važećih domaćih i međunarodnih propisa, analizu postojeće literature i provedenih istraživanja te prikupljanje podataka putem polustrukturiranih i strukturiranih intervjua s Romima i predstavnicima/cama pravosudnih institucija u Bosni i Hercegovini. Iako je inicijalno predviđeno da istraživanje uključi veći broj detaljnih intervjua, od predviđenog broja intervjua se moralo odustati uslijed početka pandemije izazvane virusom bolesti COVID-19. Mogućnost provođenja online intervjua i fokus grupa, nakon konsultacija s predstavnicima romskog Udruženja „Kali Sara“, nije uzeta u razmatranje zbog slabijeg pristupa sredstvima internetske komunikacije većine Roma. Ankete, iako predstavljaju mišljenje ograničenog uzorka romske populacije, pružaju uvid u veoma složenu temu pristupa Roma pravosuđu. Kreiranju ankete istraživačice su prišle sa stanovišta da su Romi ugroženi kada je riječ o pristupu javnim institucijama zbog sistemske diskriminacije i isključenosti iz društvenih tokova. Romske nevladine organizacije, s kojima je Atlantska inicijativa imala priliku da sarađuje, navode da opća populacija, kao i osobe koje rade s Romima, nerijetko imaju implicitne predrasude kojih nisu svjesni i da je potrebno ozbiljno i sistemsko tretiranje anticiganizma u Bosni i Hercegovini, odnosno višestruke, dugotrajne diskriminacije, predrasuda i pogrešnih stavova o Romima, što je česta pojava u BiH i drugim zemljama Zapadnog Balkana i Evrope. U vezi s navedenim, a u cilju stvaranja atmosfere povjerenja tokom provođenja istraživanja, Atlantska inicijativa i Udruženje „Kali Sara“ donijeli su odluku da istraživači na terenu budu Romi kako bi se ostvario viši stepen povjerenja u istraživače i dobile što preciznije informacije. Sudije koje su zaposlene na različitim referatima i lokacijama i koje imaju profesionalno iskustvo u radu s Romima odgovarale su na otvorene upitnike koji su im dostavljeni putem elektronske pošte. Osim svojih ličnih iskustava i stavova, sudije su adresirale i pitanja općih stavova prema problemima pristupa i povjerenja Roma prema pravosudnim institucijama. Metode istraživanja, lokacije na kojima je istraživanje rađeno, kao i usaglašavanje upitnika proces je koji je usaglašavan između Atlantske inicijative i Udruženja „Kali Sara“. Interpretaciju i analizu rezultata uradile su istraživačice Atlantske inicijative. Osobe s kojima su obavljeni polustrukturirani intervjui pripadaju različitim starosnim i socioekonomskim skupinama i žive na različitim lokacijama u Bosni i Hercegovini. Romi koji su učestvovali u istraživanju podijeljeni su u dvije kategorije: Romi angažirani u nevladinim organizacijama (11 učesnika/ca) i Romi koji nisu uključeni u rad organizacija i nisu aktivni u javnom i/ili političkom životu (136 učesnika/ca). Od navedenog broja u istraživanju je učestvovalo 73 posto muškaraca i 27 posto žena, što dovodi do problematizacije omjera žena i muškaraca koji su obuhvaćeni istraživanjem. Ukupno sedam sudija dalo je odgovore na pitanja koja su se odnosila na pristup Roma institucijama pravosuđa. Istraživanjem su obuhvaćena ukupno 154 ispitanika. Kada govorimo o metodološkim ograničenjima ovog istraživanja, primarno moramo spomenuti ograničen broj intervjuiranih Roma te da se nalazi istraživanja ne mogu generalizirati za cijelu romsku populaciju. Uprkos ograničenjima, studija obezbjeđuje uvid u probleme s kojima se susreću Romi i Romkinje u kontaktu s pravosudnim sistemom.

The Citizens on the Serbian-Albanian Relations and the Regional Security Cooperation

Author(s): Florian Qehaja,Arjan Dyrmishi / Language(s): English

Security Research Forum Belgrade-Prishtina-Tirana is a joint project of the Belgrade Centre for Security Policy, the Kosovar Center for Security Studies (KCSS) and the Institute for Democracy and Mediation (IDM), three independent think-tanks from Belgrade, Prishtina and Tirana, specialised in security issues. The project aims to initiate research-based discussion on possible ways to improve the relations among Serbia, Kosovo and Albania. The debate should include think-tanks, academia, politicians and the media.

Eradicating Polishness. Lukashenka on the Polish national minority schools in Belarus

Author(s): Kamil Kłysiński / Language(s): English

The Polish national minority school system in Belarus was created from scratch in the 1990swith financial support from Warsaw and an organisational effort of the Polish minority in Belarus. Although in its first years it developed relatively smoothly, since 2005 Polish schools have been under constant pressure from the local and central authorities. The goal of this pressure is unchanging – it involves the Russification (or, less frequently, Belarusianisation) of the young generation of ethnic Poles living in Belarus. In addition, hostile actions were carried out during spells of the political thaw in Polish-Belarusian relations (most recently in 2016–2020), which saw a major development of economic and investment cooperation and numerous high-level visits. However, the most severe blow to the Polish school network occurred in March 2021. This should be viewed both in the broader context – as an element of the wave of repression against civil society following the 2020 presidential election, and in a narrower context – as another blow to the Polish minority. One manifestation of this has been the arrest of the leaders of the Union of Poles in Belarus (UPB) and of the principal of a Polish community school in Brest. Alongside this, the prosecutor’s office has launched a series of inspections in other Polish minority organisations across Belarus and in privately-owned schools offering Polish language courses. This campaign suggests that a plan approved by President Alyaksandr Lukashenka is being implemented to undermine independent Polish organisations in Belarus and ultimately destroy the Polish national minority school system.

Cooperation despite mistrust. The shadow of Trianon in Romanian-Hungarian relations

Author(s): Kamil Całus / Language(s): English

On 3 November, the Romanian parliament declared that 4 June would be a new public holiday commemorating the signing of the Treaty of Trianon on that day in 1920. This document formalised the transfer of large territories then belonging to the Hungarian part of Austria-Hungary to the neighbouring countries, including Romania. These lands today constitute over 40% of Romania’s land area. Over the past two years, preparations for the 100th anniversary of the treaty’s adoption have exacerbated the relationship between Romania and Hungary, which perceives this event as a national tragedy. The two states’ widely divergent perceptions of the treaty, and the presence in Romania of a large and politically active Hungarian minority as its result, are a constant source of tensions between the two countries. The Hungarian problem, symbolised by the aforementioned document, resonates throughout society, and has traditionally been exploited as an instrument of political struggle by representatives of the main Romanian political groups. Budapest has also been willing to exploit the ‘Trianon complex’ in the Hungarian mentality for its domestic political aims. However, Hungarian politics does not constitute a real threat to the stability of Romania in the current international environment. The geographic location of both countries obliges them to cooperate, especially in the fields of economy and energy, which mitigates their historical and symbolic disputes.

№186: Migration-Development Nexus: The Case of the Rohingya in Bangladesh

Author(s): Patryk Kugiel / Language(s): English

The expulsion of more than 700,000 Rohingya Muslims, a minority in Myanmar, to Bangladesh since August 2017 has caused one of the gravest humanitarian crises in the 21st century. It has also imposed a huge burden on one of the poorest and most densely populated countries in the world, which is also one of the major sources of international regular and irregular migrants globally. As observed in the similar large inflow of refugees to developing nations, this migration creates immense pressure on the host community and can lead to secondary migration to third countries. This paper attempts to assess whether one humanitarian crisis (the forced expulsion of the Rohingya) will lead to another migration crisis (out of Bangladesh), and what the international community is doing to address this duel challenge.