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The article provides a definition of "government entity", given the elements of this notion of interdependence. Stresses the close relationship of the subject and object of power. Selection of Essential features of the subject of power, focuses on the following essential properties of the latter as a social identity and its dependence on other properties.
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Gorbachev, on 16 December 1986, by signing an application that created contradiction to the discourse of participation of folks in management, which is discussed in policy of perestroika, dismissed Dinmuhammed Kunayev who is a Kazakh Turk, from General Secretary of the Kazakhstan Communist Party under various pretexts of claims of corruption; and instead, appointed Gennedy Kolbin who is a Russian. This appointment led to the formation of a huge response which put forward nationalist character in Kazakhstan. Based on this response, demonstration of large-scale protests which was prominent for its nationalist characteristic and included the demand for independence took place for the first time in the history of the Soviet Union. Kazakh Turks, who exhibited peace in their protests and did not abandon their democratic demands despite liberationist discourse, witnessed a major paradox in an environment where perestroika policy is discussed and were distributed mercilessly by being engaged in violence that could be called state terror. Even though the Soviet government suppressed the protests by using violence in 1986, the protests of Jeltoqsan had been the beginning of the process of national independence of Kazakh Turks and Kazakhstan declared its independence five years later.
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The study examines Iran’s public diplomacy on the basis of culture and theo-politics. Based on the assumption that the Islamic Revolution and the Shiite concept deeply influence Iran’s foreign policy and public diplomacy, the argument that Iran’s public diplomacy is Shiite-based transnational and theo-political has been developed. The article argues that Iran follows a public diplomacy based on engagement with Shiite communities in order to realize its foreign policy objectives and spread its influence. It has been argued that Iran’s preference for public diplomacy is influenced by the fact that Iran cannot win the Sunni governments in the Middle East. Iran’s foreign policy has been put forward on the level of building relations with people instead of states. Finally, it is concluded that Iran’s public diplomacy is propaganda based on state control.
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This study examines the effect of belonging to Persian and non-Persian ethnic groups, Shia and Sunni religious sects of Islam, living in border or non-border provinces and being oil and natural gas producer province on the income inequality in Iran. The results show there are a significant relation between ethnicity, religion and the location of provinces and inequality; regarding income per capita belonging to Persian ethnicity and Shia religion along with locating in the center of Iran are advantage while existence of oil and gas resources in a province do not bring about high income per capita. A comparative analysis of changes in income per capita of provinces or province groups with the oil revenues attests on low impact of oil incomes fluctuations on income inequality in Iran.
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Iran was transformed from one of the most important allies of the West to the foe of the West in the Middle East after Iranian Islamic Revolution. This transformation affected the Iran’s nuclear policy. Having nuclear energy for Iran has been transformed to part of anti-West identity of Iran since 1984 even she had nuclear energy via especially supports of the USA. Then, nuclear policies of Iran began to be perceived as threat by the West. Notably the US imposed sanctions and lay embargoes on Iran onwards Islamic Revolution for inhibiting nuclear policies of Iran. Iran is maintaining her nuclear policies in spite of sanctions and embargoes as assurance of national identity and regime. In our work, it will be mentioned historical background of Iran’s nuclear policies and impacts of embargoes and sanctions. Finally, the developments after 2015 Nuclear Treaty will be analyzed.
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Some Arab countries, starting from 2011, witnessed a sequence of peaceful protesting demonstrations which the western media called the term (Arab Spring). But the new reality resulting from this, in its early stages up to 2013 represented an opportunity for the Islamic powers to show and disorder at the same time. Because these powers participated in the events of protesting and the peaceful an armed confrontation and pushed the Islamic political trend in general and the Ikhwan trend (Muslim Brothers) in particular to the field of the political work and experience the public party work, after being deprived, like many political movements in the Arab countries, from public legal political activity.
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Review of: Kadir Ertaç Çelik,, Identities-Balance of Power-Alliances (Kazakistan Example), ANKASAM, Ankara 2017, Publication No: 13/1, 153 pgs.
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Trach Julia, Candidate of Pedagogical Sciences, Associate Professor of the Kiev National University of Culture Theoretical aspects of identity research in virtual communities. The purpose of the article is to generalize theoretical findings on the study of identity as a sign of a group structure in virtual communities. The methodology is based on an approach developed within the framework of postpositivism, whose goal is to create tactics for research into the development of technical objects, which allows us to study the mechanisms of the development of technology as a result of the interaction of social groups. The scientific novelty lies in the generalization of foreign scientific developments on identity problems in the Internet space. Conclusions. Despite the availability of scientific developments on the problem of identity on the Internet, it is generally necessary to recognize the undeveloped nature of this issue. This is due to the terminological uncertainty of the concept of network identity, as well as the formation of two areas that advocate opposing theses on mergers and splits of identity in virtual communities. However, the study of identity formation processes is necessary as a way to search for additional arguments, which confirms that the processes of differentiation in the network are not only objective but also subjective. Despite the fact that the dominant factors of segmentation of virtual space lie in the plane of the objectivistic paradigm, without understanding the processes of identity formation, virtual communities can be considered as abstract statistical categories.
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This article represents an attempt to provide a conceptual framework to the term heterotopia, as it was initially defined by Michael Foucault, and then by the more recent attempts of various other theoreticians. The main aim is to identify the role this concept plays in the formation of a geography of the postmodern, cosmopolitan and fluid identity.
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Ever since Marshall (1965), the relationship between welfare and citizenship has been a key topic in political and academic discourses, and this interrelationship is still far from being unambiguous. This paper reviews mainstream approaches to the welfare–citizenship nexus and argues that shifting our focus to an alternative perspective – viewing welfare as an agent of citizenship socialisation – provides a more comprehensive understanding of both democratic citizenship as a concept and its interrelationship with the welfare state. This view broadens our understanding of the functions of welfare, being a key agent of democracy among others; therefore it has crucial policy implications.
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Review of: Robyn R. Iredale and Fei Guo (eds.) (2015). Handbook of Chinese migration: Identity and Wellbeing. Cheltenham, UK/Northampton, MA, USA: Edward Elgar Publishing, (330 pp, ISBN 978-1-78347-663-3)
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While there is much speculation in public and academic discourse regarding the effects of Facebook as a campaign tool on electoral success, this question has been little investigated empirically to date. A recent study attempts to bridge this gap by empirically investigating how candidates’ Facebook use during the Hungarian general election campaign of 2014 influenced their electoral results. While previous studies have mostly focused on the effects of Facebook adoption, the present work applies a performance-oriented approach: it investigates whether success in the Facebook sphere is associated with electoral success rather than the effects of Facebook use in general. It hypothesizes that the effects of a Facebook campaign arise from a two-step flow effect: it is not the direct followers who are influenced by candidates’ Facebook campaigns, but their friends who are reached by the shares of candidates’ posts. The database contains three of the most voted-for candidates owning Facebook pages from all single-member districts (N = 183). The study investigates whether the average number of shares per post posted during the last two weeks of the campaign is associated with a gain in candidates’ personal vote. To reject alternative explanations, the effects of other Facebook performance variables, such as average number of likes and comments are also examined.
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In this brief overview the author will analyze the works (articles and books) of Yugoslav authors who have dealt with the relationship of politics and language (or the usage of language in politics) in Yugoslavia, in the period between the end of the sixties until the disintegration of the SFR Yugoslavia. The intention of the author is to present the relevant literature that is published in this period and to systematize it, i.e. classify (and evaluate) it against the certain content or theoretical parameters, or against its scientific contribution. Bearing in mind the popularity and proliferation of modern discourse (or critical discourse) research of political texts/speeches abroad, but also in our academic community, the author considered that it would be useful to draw attention to the beginnings (or the precursors) of political discourse analysis in our country and social sciences and humanities. The author also attempts to indicate the (thematic, theoretical, or methodological) similarity/similarities of these (investigated) works with the current ”state of art“ papers and (text)books in this field. The undertaken analysis shows following results: firstly, there is a substantial amount of papers, written between 1970s and early 1990s (till the break-up of SFR Yugoslavia), on the topic of language in politics or political language; secondly, authors of these papers usually deal with lexical aspects of the language in politics, but they also analyse (morpho)syntactic aspects as well; thirdly, some pragmatic questions are also raised in this papers, though not in a substantial among; fourthly, superstructural (textual and genre) aspects of the political language are rather rarely investigated; fifthly, cognitivism is not visible in these papers at all, since it was rather new approach in linguistics, and Yugoslav author did not have opportunity to apply it in their research. Lastly, this analysis shows that Serbian (Yugoslav) authors, in 70s and 80s paved the way for modern approaches and new research into the contemporary political discourse in this part of Europe.
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The aim of this study is to examine the relationship of Iranian women with thedecision-making power, citizens and in the widest sense with the guest countrieswhere they have emigrated, the change of identity perceptions in connection withtheir exodus from their homeland, and the everyday resistance to social exclusionfrom the realistic perspective of International Relations. It is very important toexamine the existence of women within the “Iranian/Persian Diaspora”, which showsa serious increase after the Islamic Revolution of 1979, within the context of internaland external factors. In this context, the political, social and economic conditions ofIranian women before and after the revolution will be taken into consideration andthe immigration/escape movement from the country will be explained.
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The separation between East and West, between New and Old Europe, becomes less dissonant with every year in the more alert globalization process. In this context, the Treaty of Lisbon may improve the work of the EU and contribute to the solidarity between Member States. The author of this article sees the future in a Europe united by its diversity, as nature is in balance through diversity, in an environment not only economic but also cultural.
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A symbolic approach of the European Unity takes us to the main European symbols. Some of themalready officially recognized by the European Union (the flag, the anthem, Europe Day and the currency) originate in the national symbols. These were designed to strengthen the national unity and the sense of belonging to a large community like the nation, but at the same time generating a differentiation from the others, members of other national communities and thus leading to the alterity or even violence. The issue that I will address in this study is whether it can be a European identity based on symbols originally linked to national identity without creating new alterities and differences. Are they compatible with the values of tolerance, of equality of chances or with the ideal of unity in diversity promoted by the European Union? We will argue in favor of an affirmative answer, while warning about the dependence of European symbols on their national substrate. The paper will be divided in two parts. In the first one, after a general introduction to the problem, I will focus on the European flag and anthem/hymn and in the second part I will analyze the meanings of the European currency, the Europe’s Day and of some religious symbols and places.
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This article aims at presenting, from the point of view of a European federalist, the incapacity of the European states of realizing that their civilization will not survive unless they unite in a European federalist state. Only in this way will one put to practice effective policies regarding immigration (mainly the Islamic one, but not only) and the defense of the European identity.
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Starting from the premise that European cultural identity of Romania was not completely destroyed in the years 1946-1989, we can say that the transition from the communist regime to the democratic regime is characterized by an attempt to build an identity whose structure is based on the european values in the economic-political-social realm and also on a "solidarity Europe" (Donatella della Porta) whose identity dimension is recalculated by taking into account immigrants. Theoretical, Romania has built in recent years an "western" political identity which is characterized by political pluralism, market economy, social participation, respect for diversity, free and fair competition, rule of law and the primacy of human rights. On the other hand, if the political identity, the social identity or economic identity can be a matter of "decision" in a developed democratic state, cultural and historical identity are substantial objectives assumptions of any identity construction. In defining cultural and national identity we can find a number of constants independently of the current political construction, and, moreover, they are sometimes considered "non-European". The purpose of this study is to show that essentialist and constructivist visions of Romanian identity are complementary, and in this respect the main methods used will be the political comparativism and the phenomenology of politics.
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Cultural phenomena and processes in the contemporary society, influenced by the social development models and by the fact that the constitutive elements of the culture have become the decisive factors of social change, are the determinants of the cultural policies. They are centered on the active process of cultural globalization that emphasizes besides the assimilation of the European principles, also the preservation of the cultural dialog without identity loss.
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The aim of this paper is to analyze the relation between the EU and the Balkans in the process of othering. The main research question raised here is in what way and to what extent the Balkans as Other was used in the process of the EU identity construction. The EU is perceived as a discursive self-construction establishing its own distinct identity against Others. It is thus argued that the Balkans identity has been discursively constructed in opposition to the EU identity. Through the discursive process, by virtue of asymmetry of power, the EU self-constructed its identity by stigmatizing the difference of the Balkans — Other. The paper starts with the clarification of some conceptual premises concerning Self, Other and the concept of Otherness. It then focuses on the Balkans as Other in the process of EU identity construction. Finally, the Western Balkans as Other is also examined in the process of othering. Due to the asymmetry of power in the EU — Self and Balkans/Western Balkans—Other relation and the ability of the EU to impose the constructed dominant representations, this relation is about inclusion and exclusion, superiority and inferiority.
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